Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 20, 1866

Little of interest at the Cabinet meeting. After the others had left had a free talk with the President. He thinks, in view of the feeling manifested by Congress and the favorable reception of Stewart's resolutions for general amnesty, it will be well to delay the case of Semmes.

I read to him a letter received from General Hawley in regard to the election in Connecticut, and a letter from myself to Crofut, stating my views on present questions, and, believing General H. concurred in them, I wished him success, but not if he was opposed to them and the Administration.

The President approved my letter. Said Mr. English appeared to be a gentleman of character and friendly. Asked what had been his previous party course and whether I had seen a series of questions which were put to Hawley and Hawley's answer. I informed him that English had always been a Democrat, but patriotic, gentlemanly, and not extreme or ultra. Had given support to some important questions of ours during the War. The questions and answers I had seen, but knew not how correct.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 457

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, March 24, 1866

The Intelligencer of this morning contains an adroit letter from Cleveland, the Hartford Postmaster, stating that he is openly supporting English for Governor, who is in favor of the measures, policy, veto, and speech of the President, and that he is opposing Hawley, who is opposed to them, and tendering his resignation if his course is disapproved. On this letter the President indorsed that his (C.'s) action in sustaining his (the President's) measures and policy is approved and the resignation is, therefore, not accepted.

This correspondence will be misconstrued and misunderstood, I have no doubt. The Democrats will claim that it is a committal for English, and the Republicans will acquiesce to some extent. Yet the disposition of the subject is highly creditable to the sagacity and tact of the President. I regret that he did not earlier and in some more conspicuous case take action.

I do not like the shape things are taking in Connecticut, and to some extent the position of the President is and will be misunderstood. He is, I think, not satisfied with the somewhat equivocal position of Hawley, and would now prefer that English should be the Union candidate. Herein he errs, as things are situated, for most of his friends are supporting Hawley and some of his bitterest opponents are supporting English. He should soon draw the line of demarcation. In the break-up of parties which I think is now upon us, not unlikely Hawley will plunge into centralism, for thither go almost all Radicals, including his old Abolition associates. The causes or circumstances which take him there will be likely to bring English into the President's support. Nevertheless, under the existing state of things, I should, unless something farther occurs between this and election, probably, on personal grounds, prefer Hawley. It is too late to effect a change of front with parties.

Senator Sumner came this P.M. as usual on Saturdays. He doubts the correctness of taking naval vessels for the French Exhibition. Grimes, with whom I have had some conversation, has contributed to Sumner's doubts. It is certainly a strange proceeding to require or expect the Navy to furnish four vessels with their crews for this carrying service without any appropriation of funds for that object. It is not a naval matter, enters not into our estimates, and we have no suitable vessels. The House is very loose and reckless, however, in its proceedings, and appears to be careless of current legislation. Specific appropriations they would misapply, and are, in fact, pressing and insisting that I shall divert funds appropriated by law for one purpose to another and different purpose. But this was not Sumner's trouble. He thought it bad economy, as it undoubtedly is. I said to him that if I was called to do this transportation without instructions, I would, as a matter of economy, sooner charter merchant ships than dismantle and attempt to convert and use naval vessels for the purpose.

I learn in confidence from Sumner that dispatches from our legation in France have reached the State Department which have not been brought before the Cabinet. Louis Napoleon has quarreled with his cousin, who was president of the commission of savants, and he has left Paris and resigned the presidency. Napoleon has appointed in his place, as president of the World's Congress of wise men and inventors, his son, now some eight or ten years of age. This Sumner thinks an insult or worse, and is disposed to give the whole thing a rebuff. I shall be glad to have him, but he will not attempt to move without first consulting Seward, and that gentleman has his heart so much in the interest of France, his friends are so engaged in the Exhibition, that he has held back this information and will set himself earnestly at work to overpersuade Sumner, who, as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, has seen the dispatches. He may succeed. Sumner was, however, very earnest and pleased with his own idea of hitting Louis Napoleon a blow.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 461-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 27, 1866

The proceedings of the Senate, though exciting, do not overshadow the interest felt in the Connecticut election. Although the President strives to be disinterested and indifferent between the candidates for Governor, I cannot be mistaken in the fact that he inclines favorably to English. I am sorry for this, because his friends, those who elected him, are almost all of them supporters of Hawley. Those who voted for him, those who have stood by his measures since called to administer the Government and are sincerely friendly to his policy are committed to Hawley and the ticket which he heads. True, Hawley on mere organized party grounds is himself inclining to Congress, and I am constrained to believe will eventually identify himself with the centralists. English will be the opposite. But these questions are not made controlling in this election, as they should have been at the beginning of the contest.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 465

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, August 2, 1862

Headquarters Stevens' Div.

9th Army Corps, Newport News,

Aug. 2d, 1862.

My dear Mother:

As General Burnside's Corps is being transferred to other scenes, and as our turn to go on shipboard will come to-morrow, I take this opportunity to inform you of our intended change of Camp. I cannot tell you where I am going. I hope and think we are to join Pope. So soon as we shall have arrived at our destination, I will let you know. I fear a letter or two may be lost, but hope not.

The Governor of Connecticut made a most excellent appointment in Wm. Ely to the Colonelcy of the 18th R. C. V. Cool, decided, brave, enterprising and experienced, he will fill that position with honor to himself and to his native State.  —— —— will find he has made a great mistake if he has entered this new Regiment with a view to playing a high-handed insubordinate part. There are ways of bringing fractious officers and soldiers to a sense of duty now, that were quite unknown at the time of the three months' service. The news in the papers of yesterday relative to drafting if the contingents are not filled by Aug. 15th, if true, must occasion quite a panic in the North. I am glad of it. This bounty business is simply disgusting. If there is so much spare money to be thrown away, it is better that it should be given to those who have borne the burden and heat of the day, than to those who enter at the eleventh hour. It speaks badly for the patriotism of the North, if the bribes must be increased now to induce men to serve their country in the hour of its extremest peril. I say it is a poor system, and believe in the draft — the rich to serve with their wealth, the poor with their muscle, and the patriotic of both classes the best way that lies in their power. Bythe-way, I enclose for your album a capital likeness of Col. Farnsworth, of the 79th Regt.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 171-2

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 28, 1862

Headquarters Stevens' Div.

Burnside's Expedition,

July 28th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

I have received no further news from you since your last short communication hurriedly informing me of an improvement in my prospects. I only hope your intimation may be true. I asked Genl. Stevens' advice. He told me “unequivocally to accept.” I trust the appointment may soon be made, as I must have some little change before I return to life in unhealthy swamps. My experience in South Carolina has not specially fitted me to resist climatic influences here. It will be of incalculable advantage to me if I can get North three or four weeks this summer. I received a letter from Walter yesterday. He seems to feel the present critical condition of our country very much. Ned Harland is a near neighbor of mine now. Once I have met Charley Breed. I saw Henry King at Fortress Monroe a few days ago. We met and parted as though we were in the habit of seeing one another every day. Halleck was here day before yesterday. I was greatly disappointed in his appearance. Small and farmer-like, he gives a rude shock to one's preconceived notions of a great soldier. He is a striking contrast to Genl. Burnside who is rather a Chevalier Bayard in appearance and accomplishments. One has opportunities on the staff of seeing a great deal that is interesting, still staff officers are simply satellites of the General — if anything else, they are no use.

I see good accounts of recruiting in Connecticut. I trust this is so, for we must have those troops drilled and ready for the field as early as possible. It is not pleasant to think of dragging through another winter in quarters. These troops in Burnside's corps are really splendid, deserving indeed the name of soldiers. The Army looks very different now from what it did last fall, previous to our expedition down South.

I have really nothing to write, except that I am impatient to see you all, and that I remain as ever, with love to sisters and dear ones at home,

Affectionately,

WILL.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 169-70

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, April 7, 1863

The result of the election in Connecticut yesterday is gratifying. Buckingham is reflected Governor by three thousand majority.

The President has not returned from the Rappahannock. There was consequently no Cabinet-meeting.

Consul Dudley at Liverpool writes that he is instituting legal proceedings in the English courts against some of the vessels which the Rebels, aided by English capital, are fitting out, but meets with discouragement or has no encouragement in unexpected quarters. Wrote Mr. Seward that the zeal of Dudley should be commended, and unless very decided measures are taken, and strong representations made, we shall be involved in difficulty. John Bull must understand that whilst we deprecate war, we don't fear him and shall not passively submit to outrage and aggression. A loan of fifteen million dollars has recently been made to the Rebels by English capitalists, which would never have been consummated had the English officials disapproved. With these means, which the Englishmen will ultimately lose, the Rebels can purchase vessels, ordnance, munitions, and prolong the war. Mercenary England will be benefited if our commerce is destroyed, and our country be weakened and exhausted. Sumner thinks the alliance with slavery will be so unpopular with the English people as to restrain the Government, but confesses he begins to have fearful misgivings.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 262-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, April 6, 1863

Great interest is felt in the result of the Connecticut election, one of the most animated and exciting elections ever known. Issues broad and distinct. Thousands will vote for Seymour under the discipline and delusion of party who have not the remotest thought of being disloyal.

Senator Sumner called upon me this p.m. and gave a curious narrative concerning my letter to Seward on the subject of letters of marque, and of the difficulty the President had in getting it. When finally obtained, he informed and called in Sumner, and the two sat down and the President deliberately read it aloud. They then criticized it carefully, and when they were through, Sumner says the President spoke complimentarily of the letter and very complimentarily of me.

Rumors are current and thick respecting Charleston, but they are all conjectural. A movement against the place is expected about these days, but there has not been time to hear of it. I have great anxiety and great apprehension. Operations have gone on slowly and reluctantly.

The report of the “Committee on the Conduct of the War” is to-day published. This method of supervising military operations by legislative committee is of more than questionable utility. Little good can be expected of these partisan supervisors of the Government at any time. They are partisan and made up of persons not very competent to form correct and intelligent opinions of Army or Navy operations, or administrative purposes. In this instance, I think, from a slight look into a few pages, there is more truth from them than usual in these cases.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 261-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 10, 1863

Presented Colonel Hawley's name to the President for Brigadier-General with expressions of my regard. Was kindly received but no assurance given. Informed the President I should put Preble's case in his hands to be disposed of. The nomination of Mark Howard for Collector of the Hartford District has been suspended in the Senate. Howard is a very faithful, competent, and excellent man for the office, but he and Senator Dixon, neighbors and formerly intimate friends, have latterly had some differences. Dixon takes advantage of his position as Senator to stab Howard in secret session, where H. can have no opportunity for selfdefense. Senator Sumner, whom I met this evening, says Dixon came to him and asked, if a personal enemy, who abused, slandered, and defied him were before the Senate, would he vote for him. Sumner replied, No. Senator Doolittle admits he was in like manner approached; says it was embarrassing, for there is an implied understanding — a courtesy among Senators — that they will yield to the personal appeals of a Senator in appointments to office in his own town. I asked if it was possible that the Senate prostituted itself to gratify private animosities, — made itself a party to the personal quarrels of one of its members and gave him the means to wreak his vengeance on a worthy person without cause or justification? Doolittle attempted no defense; evidently did not like the attitude in which he was placed. Thurlow Weed is in town. He has been sent for, but my informant knows not for what purpose. It is, I learn, to consult in regard to a scheme of Seward to influence the New Hampshire and Connecticut elections. Some days since, Seward handed me a dispatch as I entered the President's office on Cabinet day, from Mr. Dayton at Paris, stating the French Government was pressing friendly mediation. I handed it back after reading, with the remark that it was wholly inadmissible. Seward made no reply, but handed the dispatch to others to read as they came in. There was, I think, a response similar to mine from each. When I heard that Seward's factotum, Weed, had been called here I thought at once of Dayton's dispatch and schemes of adjustment. Nous verrons. [In the lower House of Congress] after a violent attack by Calvert, Washburne, and a few others [on the subject of appointment of midshipmen], I was sustained by a vote of two to one, to the great chagrin of the clique, who, I am told, did not conceal their vexation.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 235-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, January 13, 1863

Received this A.M. from Admiral Du Pont an intercepted mail captured off Charleston. Reed Saunders, who had the mail in charge, threw it overboard, as he supposed, but the master of the vessel, once a volunteer acting master in our service whom I had dismissed for drunkenness, practiced a deception, and Saunders threw over something else than the mail, which the master secreted, retained, and delivered, and thereby saved his bacon. The mail was not forwarded to its destination, as Seward directed it should be, but opened. Numerous and important dispatches from Mallory, Memminger, Benjamin,¹ etc., etc., disclose important facts. Took some of the more interesting to Cabinet council.

Was waited upon by a large committee composed mostly of old friends and associates sent here by Connecticut to procure the location of a navy yard at New London. Mr. Speaker Carter was chairman and chief spokesman; wanted a navy yard at New London for defensive purposes, for the benefit to be derived from a large establishment located in the State; but little had been expended in Connecticut by the Federal Government; thought it a duty to look out for our own State; if the Union should be broken up, it would be well to have such an establishment as I had proposed in our own limits, etc. Assured the committee if Congress decided to establish a navy yard at New London I should not oppose but would heartily cooperate to make it what was wanted and what it should be. That the small yard at Philadelphia was totally insufficient, and if, in removing it, Congress should decide to go to New London instead of remaining on the Delaware, I should submit to the decision, but I could not, in honesty, sincerity, and as an American citizen acting for all, recommend it. That I had never supposed that the true interest of the country would be promoted by such a transfer; that, much as I loved my native State, I could not forget I was acting for the whole country and for no one locality. That League Island on the Delaware possessed some peculiar advantages that belonged to no other navy yard nor to New London; that it had been tendered, a free gift, by the city of Philadelphia as a substitute for the present contracted wharfage in the city; that I had conscientiously advised its acceptance, and I could not do otherwise than to still act in accordance with my convictions of what I deemed best for the whole country by continuing to recommend its acceptance, whatever might be determined in regard to a navy yard at New London, which was an altogether different matter.

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¹ Heads respectively of the Navy, Treasury, and State Departments in the Confederate Government.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 222-3

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: June 23, 1865

Our Colonel, Henry Peale, in command of this post. Headquarters in town. Our regiment ordered into town for a dress parade at 5 P. M., at the public square in front of headquarters. Our service in the army is no doubt about over with. We shall be glad to leave old Virginia for good old Connecticut.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 155

John Brown’s Address to the Citizens of Connecticut: delivered at Hartford and Canton, Connecticut, approximately March, 1857

I am trying to raise from twenty to twenty-five thousand dollars in the free States, to enable me to continue my efforts in the cause of freedom. Will the people of Connecticut, my native State, afford me some aid in this undertaking? Will the gentlemen and ladies of Hartford, where I make my first appeal in this State, set the example of an earnest effort? Will some gentleman or lady take hold and try what can be done by small contributions from counties, cities, towns, societies, or churches, or in some other way? I think the little beggar-children in the streets are sufficiently interested to warrant their contributing, if there was any need of it, to secure the object. I was told that the newspapers in a certain city were dressed in mourning on hearing that I was killed and scalped in Kansas, but I did not know of it until I reached the place. Much good it did me. In the same place I met a more cool reception than in any other place where I have stopped. If my friends will hold up my hands while I live, I will freely absolve them from any expense over me when I am dead. I do not ask for pay, but shall be most grateful for all the assistance I can get.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 379

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: October 29, 1864

All things have been quiet with us since the last date. The regiment voted for President. Commissioners were here from Connecticut. Each voter was given two ballots and an envelope. One for Lincoln and one for General McClellan. The voter, taking his ballots to his tent or anywhere he chose, put in the envelope the one of his choice, seal and return to the Commissioners who carried the vote home. I was not old enough to vote. I could carry a gun and do as much duty as any man.

The excitement through the North is great, so it is reported to us, and trouble is expected in the large cities, owing to the anti-war spirit that is cropping out. According to reports many regiments are being sent to the North to hold the toughs in check. Reported late this afternoon we may be sent to New Haven. Hope there won't be any trouble, for the sake of good old Connecticut. Later orders came for us to prepare to take train for New Haven. Great excitement in camp tonight as we are getting ready to leave in the morning.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 132

Major-General John Sedgwick to his Sister, July 26, 1863

Warrenton, Virginia, July 26, 1863.

My dear sister:

Since I last wrote you we have been marching every day over the worst roads, and about the hottest days, except when raining, that I have ever seen or felt. Since we left Fredericksburg, now six weeks since, it has been the same thing, marching almost day and night, for many of our hardest marches have been made by night. We have done an incredible amount of labour, if we have accomplished but little. If the people of Pennsylvania had risen as they should have done, they might have done more injury to the enemy after the battle of Gettysburg than our army did at the battle. But it will scarcely be believed that not ten thousand men turned out, and then refused to follow into Maryland. New York sent more men to Harrisburg that followed up the enemy to the Potomac than Pennsylvania did, and the extortion to our troops, the sick and wounded included, surpasses belief. I am worn out. I have not had any clothes off since leaving the Rappahannock, and the army and animals are exhausted. Whether we are to have some rest here is uncertain. I regard it as an unsafe position; it is the one that Pope occupied last year, and we are but a little stronger. All of the reports in the papers regarding the demonstration of their army are untrue; at least, there is but little evidence of it. We have had no mail in the last week, and I know nothing that has been going on. A mail is expected to-night. The riots in New York have been suppressed, but their effect must have been more disastrous than the loss of a great battle. This is a beautiful country, but has not been cultivated this year; fences all down, houses deserted, and everything denoting the presence of both armies last fall, and the fear of both coming again; there are no such articles as vegetables or groceries to be had. We captured twelve thousand head of cattle and eight thousand head of sheep that the enemy had driven from Pennsylvania. Amongst the cattle were many cows and calves, which have been divided. One cow fell to my lot, which comes in good time, as at Berlin, Maryland, I gave mine to a parson who had his only one killed by our soldiers. Has the draft taken place in Connecticut?

With much love, I am

Your affectionate brother.

John Sedgwick.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 137-8

George L. Stearns to Henry H. Van Dyck, December 18, 1856

Boston, Dec 18, 1856.

H. H. Van Dyck, Esq.

Dear Sir, — Since my return I have received a letter from Governor Robinson, a copy of which is enclosed. In Connecticut they are ready to form a strong State committee to co-operate with New York and Massachusetts, but, like you, are waiting for light. In Philadelphia they have a very large committee, and are taking measures for the ultimate formation of a State committee. We are taking measures to have a petition to our legislature signed in every town in our State, and find it meets the general approval of our citizens. We have also taken measures to get full information from Chicago and Kansas as to the past, which, when sent us, we will forward to you. Please let me know how you progress in the work, and believe me.

Your sincere friend,

George L. Stearns.

Chairman M. S. K. Committe.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 356

Massachusetts Kansas Committee to Governor James W. Grimes, December 20, 1856

State Kansas Aid Committee Rooms,

Boston, Dec. 20, 1856.

Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 16th has been received, and we are glad to find that the importance of State action in regard to Kansas is appreciated in Iowa as well as here. The first question seems to be, Is such action really needed? And I will state what I believe to be substantially the views of this committee, who are now laboring to obtain an appropriation from our legislature.

There can be no doubt that the measures of which you speak (the purchase of land, erection of mills, etc.) could not well be engaged in by a State; and certainly no grant for that purpose could be obtained here. But although present destitution may be relieved in Kansas, it is by no means certain that there will not be great suffering there in the spring, before any crops can be raised, — especially if for any cause business should not be active. Then who can be sure that the scenes of last summer will not be acted again? True, things look better; but the experience of the past ought to teach us to prepare for the future. But even if things go on prosperously there, money may still be needed. Men have been subjected to unjust punishments, or at least threatened with them, under the unconstitutional laws of the Territory. It is desirable that these cases should be brought before a higher tribunal; while the accused person may be a poor man unable to bear the expense of such a suit. The State appropriations could then be drawn upon for this purpose, and used to retain counsel, furnish evidence, and in other ways to forward the suit of the injured man.

Would it not therefore be well for each State to make an appropriation, which should remain in the hands of the Governor, as in Vermont, or of a committee, until it should be needed in Kansas? It would thus be a contingent fund, to be drawn on only in cases of necessity, and it would be ready against any emergency. It might never be called for, or only a portion of it might be used; but should occasion arise, it would save our citizens in Kansas from many of the horrors which have afflicted them the past year. A bill embodying these ideas will be introduced into our legislature; and from the tone of our people we have good hope that it will pass. If a similar bill could pass your legislature I have no doubt the example would be followed by New York, Maine, Michigan, Connecticut, and perhaps by Ohio, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. A general movement of this kind would give us all we want; and we might make Kansas free, I think, without expending a dollar of the money voted. The moral effect of such action on emigration from the North, and on the employment of capital, would be very important. Security would be given that the rights of emigrants would be supported; and the first result would be the emigration of thousands as soon as spring opens; so that by July we should have a force of Northern settlers there, enough to sustain any form of law which might be set up. Without this, 1 fear that next year, in spite of the flattering promises of the present, will only see the last year's history repeated. There will be no confidence in the tranquillity of the Territory; capital will shun it; emigration be almost stopped; and a year hence we may be no better off than now, — and perhaps worse. With these opinions, we look on State appropriations as the salvation of Kansas, and hope that the whole North may be led to the same view.

With much respect,

F. B. Sanborn,

Corresponding Secretary of State Committee.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 355-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, August 15, 1862

Received yesterday a note from Chase that the President proposed to change two of the nominees under the new tax law in Connecticut. Called on the President, and stated to him I did it as a duty, that duty alone impelled me. He said he fully believed it, and was glad to do me the justice to say that in matters of appointments, patronage, I had never given him any trouble. Having an appointment this Friday morning at 9 with the President, I met there Babcock¹ and Platt² of Connecticut. They had called and stated their case, which was extremely unjust to Mr. Howard, and, turning to me, Mr. B. said H. claimed he had procured or secured my appointment. The President said he had a slight acquaintance with Mr. H. himself. Had met him in Illinois and knew him as a friend of mine. Had received letters from him expressing regard for me, and one signed jointly by H. and Senator Dixon. But these gentlemen did not originate his action in relation to my appointment. “The truth is,” said he, — “and I may as well state the facts to you, for others know them, — on the day of the Presidential election, the operator of the telegraph in Springfield placed his instrument at my disposal. I was there without leaving, after the returns began to come in, until we had enough to satisfy us how the election had gone. This was about two in the morning of Wednesday. I went home, but not to get much sleep, for I then felt, as I never had before, the responsibility that was upon me. I began at once to feel that I needed support, — others to share with me the burden. This was on Wednesday morning, and before the sun went down I had made up my Cabinet. It was almost the same that I finally appointed. One or two changes were made, and the particular position of one or two was unsettled. My mind was fixed on Mr. Welles as the member from New England on that Wednesday. Some other names passed through my thoughts, and some persons were afterwards pressed upon me, but the man and the place were fixed in my mind then, as it now is. My choice was confirmed by Mr. H., by Senator Dixon, Preston King, Vice-President Hamlin, Governor Morgan, and others, but the selection was my own, and not theirs, and Mr. H. is under a mistake in what he says.”

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¹ James F. Babcock, editor of the New Haven Palladium. Lincoln appointed him Collector at New Haven.

² O. H. Platt, subsequently United States Senator.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 81-2

Speech of Senator James W. Grimes, January 30, 1860

It is true that the Republican party have been in possession of the government of the State of Iowa during the last five years and upward. They have had the unlimited control of the government of that State in every one of its departments. They have had a succession of Governors of that political party. They have had all the judicial tribunals, with very few exceptions; and all the judges of the Supreme Court have belonged to that party. Their majorities in the House of Representatives and in the Senate of the State have been predominating, almost two to one, during four successive Legislative Assemblies. But it is not true that the General Assembly of that State has ever passed any law in violation of the Constitution of the United States, in regard to the fugitive-slave law, or in regard to any other act of Congress. No law has been passed by that State, either since it has been under the domination of the Republican party, or before it came under their control, that in the remotest degree contravenes the rights of any of the sister States, or interferes with the relation of master and slave, or master and servant.

I have not risen for the purpose of making this explanation, because I am disposed to censure or approve the acts of this kind that have been passed by other States. I have no judgment to pronounce upon that subject. I have no criticism to make on that species of legislation. It is no part of my business, as I understand it, to sit here and arraign the action of sovereign States of this Union in regard to their local laws, whether they may be as objectionable as are the laws of Louisiana and South Carolina to Senators, like the Senator from Massachusetts, or whether they are as objectionable as are the laws of Massachusetts and Connecticut to the Senator from Georgia, and others who act and feel with him. That is not my business. But I am not disposed to let the State of my adoption, where I have the happiness to reside, and which I have the honor here in part to represent, have either the glory or the discredit—whichever way they may be regarded by Senators — of passing any law which she did not pass. Whenever she shall see fit to pass a law of this kind, or of any other kind, I, as a citizen of that State, will express my opinion in approbation or in disapprobation of it, as my judgment shall dictate.

Nor do I allude to this subject at this time for the purpose of relieving myself, my State, or the people whom I represent, from the epithets which were so abundantly poured out upon them by the Senator from Georgia. If there are any people in my State who will be disturbed by them it will not be the men with whom I act, but those who profess a sympathy and affinity for the political party with which the Senator from Georgia associates. So far as the Republicans are concerned, I can vouch for them that they will never be won or intimidated by adjectives, no matter how boisterously, or how numerously, or how harshly, they may be applied.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 123-4

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: February 18, 1864

Arrived at Martinsburg at 2 A. M. Left Jersey City early yesterday morning. After an uneventful trip arrived in Baltimore at 4 P. M. Left at nine o'clock. Met other members of the regiment bound for camp. When we got there lay down for a little rest and sleep. At daylight attended roll-call, after which I was given a hearty welcome by the boys of Company C. Thankful for the furlough and the good time. Connecticut did look good to me as I again turned my back to it, facing southward, bound for old Virginia. Again writing letters home after my safe arrival in camp.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 42

Diary of Charles H. Lynch: November 1862

The most important event was our first Thanksgiving in camp. Passed very pleasantly. A good dinner, with games of foot and base-ball. The day closing with dress parade. Many visitors from Baltimore and some from Connecticut. The weather during November was very fine for camp life. Barracks were built for winter quarters to take the place of tents.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 11

William A. Buckingham, Governor of Connecticut, to Abraham Lincoln, May 3, 1861

state Of Connecticut, Executive Department,

Hartford, May 3, 1861.

Dear Sir: The General Assembly of the state has placed $2,000,000 at my disposal for the purpose of organizing, equipping and arming the militia of the state, and for mustering them into the service of the United States. Allow me to say that this appropriation was made by the unanimous vote of both houses, and indicates the sentiment of the citizens of this state, and their determination in the strongest and most positive position which you will assume in defence of the authority of the government. I am, dear sir,

Yours with high consideration,

William A. Buckingham.

to Abraham Lincoln, President Of The United States.

SOURCE: Samuel Giles Buckingham, The Life of William A. Buckingham, the War Governor of Connecticut, p. 158