Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, December 29, 1849

WASHINGTON, December 29, 1849.

MY DEAR JAMES, —I received your letter, communicating an account of Susan's confinement, and I was delighted to hear that she had given birth to a son, with so little of pain and suffering. I hope that she has continued to do well, and that the new comer has also been hearty. In the fine climate where you are, I trust that all your family enjoy good health.

I hear from home, but not as often as I could wish.

After three weeks, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, a Democrat, was elected Speaker, and it was so much more important that the House should be organized than that whether Whig or Democrat should be chosen, that I was glad an election was made. Nothing of importance has yet been done in Congress.

The Portuguese Minister called on me to-day, and I had a long, long interview with him, both on matters personally relating to you, and on public affairs, the latter, of course, confidentially.

He tells me that you have a fine house and a delightful situation on the Tagus, with a beautiful prospect, etc., but that they made you pay too much rent for it.

I endeavored to impress him very seriously about our claims on Portugal, and that their rejection might lead to very grave consequences. I authorized him to communicate what I said to him to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He read to me a very ingenious and plausible argument in the case of the General Armstrong, but I told him that I thought it only ingenious and plausible, and that I thought the American claim was well founded. One of his points was that the General Armstrong began the conflict. To which I replied that the British boats approached the Armstrong in hostile array; and that, when hailed, refusing to avow whether their purposes were amicable or hostile, the Armstrong was not bound to wait until they struck the first blow, but, being authorized to conclude that their purpose was to board and capture her, she had a right to defend herself, and anticipate the fall of the blow. Exactly as, when an assault is made on a man, not yet followed by a battery, he is not bound to await the battery, but may defend himself forthwith.

As to the weakness of Portugal, since the treaty of Methuen, she has been an ally, and somewhat dependent on Great Britain. Her feelings and sympathies were with the British, and against the Armstrong. She not only did not protect the Armstrong, which as a neutral power she ought to have done, but she did nothing to repel the British violation of her jurisdiction. She did worse; when the crew of the Armstrong was brought on shore, she (Portugal) suffered and connived at their being mustered by, or in presence of, British officers, that they might select from the array those whom they chose to consider British seamen! Never was such an indignity before offered! Never before or since did Great Britain ever attempt to exercise her pretended right of impressment within the jurisdictional limits of a neutral or third power, or any where but in her own ports, or on the high seas.

The Portuguese Minister cited certain provisions of our treaty with Great Britain of 1794, and other treaties, making provision for the case of captures within the waters of the respective parties by a belligerent of either of them, etc. To all which I replied, that those treaties took the case from without the operation of the general public law, but did not affect the condition of powers (of which Portugal was one) having no such treaties with us; that as to these powers, the national law furnished the rule; and that, in cases like the Armstrong, that rule required either protection or indemnity. Protection had not been afforded, and indemnity was therefore justly due.

My manner was intentionally very earnest; and I sought to impress the Minister with the belief I entertain, that if satisfaction of our claims be withheld, it will be sought for by coercion. And I told him that I should be grieved if we had any war with Portugal, especially when my son was the accredited representative of the United States at Lisbon. I told him that I hoped he would impress his Government with the gravity of existing circumstances. He was hurt at the reference in the President's Message to this affair; but I informed him that I had reason to believe that, at one time, it was contemplated to refer to it much more seriously, and I supposed this had not been done in consequence of a hope entertained that your dispatches might soon bring the welcome intelligence that our claims had been admitted and provided for.

He spoke of a proposition before the Portuguese Cortes to elevate the grade of the mission to this country. I told him that the adjustment of our claims would be an agreeable, if not indispensable preliminary to a similar elevation of the rank of our Minister to Portugal, etc.

I presume that they will send you, from the Department of State, the President's Message, and all other public documents. My love to Susan, to dear little Lucy, and all your children, and to H. Clay, and Thomas.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 595-7

Senator Robert M. T. Hunter to Herschel V. Johnson, December 2, 1852

LLOYDS, ESSEX Co. [VA.], December 2nd, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: I received your letter after it had performed its circumnavigation through various post offices of Virginia and write to thank you for it. I only wish that I could give you more than my speculations upon the interesting subjects to which your letter alludes. I know nothing with certainty as to the future course of the President elect. I guess that his feelings are all on the side of State rights, perhaps not so much so as that of state remedies. I also believe that his natural inclinations are towards economy and simplicity, but whether his grasp will be comprehensive enough for the party and the people whom he is called to lead I know not. I most earnestly wish that he may prove equal to the place. Much will depend upon his cabinet. In regard to which I will say at once that I do not look to a place in it. I have no reason to suppose that one would be offered me and if it were I would much prefer my place in the Senate. I say this in confidence because it is a subject on which I could not speak except to a friend. I should think that he would hardly commit such an impudence (to say the least of it) as to take up Cobb, in preference to such a man as yourself for example or those State rights men who really fought this battle for him. I have no right to suppose that he will consult me but should he do so I would give him my opinion pretty frankly as to the claims of the States rights men of the South. They constitute I presume a large majority of the Democratic party South and should Pierce begin by throwing them off it would be a sorry commencement of his administration. I should not be surprised if he threw his patronage to some extent amongst those Union men for the purpose of harmonizing his supporters but he would hardly venture to take up Cobb to the disparagement of the real and efficient leaders of the Democratic party South.

What he will do I know not. But surely he will consult the wishes of the Democratic party in the South of which the major element is undoubtedly composed of State Rights men. When I get to Washington I shall be able to form a better estimate of the probable course of events and will endeavor to keep you advised should you desire it. I must say however that I think there are breakers ahead

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 153-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 20, 1865

Clear and cold. No news—that is bad news. Nothing has transpired officially of the events and details near Wilmington, but there is a rumor, exaggerated perhaps, of the fall of Wilmington itself. No doubt Sherman is marching on Charleston, and if there be no battle soon, it is feared he will take the city without one.

Mr. Foote made a speech in Congress yesterday—a savage one, I am told. Going home yesterday at 3 o'clock, I met Mr. Foote, and told him what I had heard. He said he could have wished me to hear every word of it. I asked if it would not be printed. He held up a roll of manuscript, saying he had written it in full, and that it would certainly be published. The papers say in their brief reports, that he disavowed all ideas of reconstruction. After he left the House, one of the Missouri members offered a resolution for his expulsion, on the ground that he had, unlawfully, attempted to pass into the enemy's lines, for the purpose of negotiating a peace, etc. It was referred to the Committee on Elections.

After this a resolution was introduced, that a joint committee be appointed to prepare an address, etc., solemnly declaring that the war shall be waged until independence be achieved, etc. Such addresses have been repeatedly made, and at last seem to have a demoralizing effect. People remember how many test votes were taken in the Virginia Convention, showing that the State never would secede—and at length the Convention passed an ordinance of secession! Nothing can save this government long but military successes, and these depend upon having the slave and other property owners in the field. This can never be done without a renovation of the machinery used to fill up the ranks.

The President is calm. Some think him subdued. A few days or weeks will determine.

Gen. Howell Cobb writes his views, etc. Utterly opposed to arming the slaves—better emancipate them at once, conceding to the "demands of England and France," and then enlist them. But he thinks a return to the system of volunteering would answer to fill the ranks with white men; also suggests that the President concede something to popular sentiment—restore Gen. J. E. Johnston, etc. He says gloom and despair are fast settling on the people.

J. P. McLean, Greensborough, N. C., in response to the request of Mr. Secretary Seddon, gives information of the existence of many Union men in that section, and suggests sudden death to ——— etc. The Secretary is diligent in getting such information; but lately it seems he never applies the remedy.

Mr. Secretary Seddon thinks Mr. Peck's explanation of his purchasing satisfactory; the Assistant Secretary, Chief of Bureau of War, and Mr. Seddon's private clerk got an abundance of flour, etc.

Major Harman, Staunton, says provisions cannot be had in that section to feed Early's army, unless one-fourth of all produce be bought at market prices, and the people go on half rations. The slaves everywhere are on full rations.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 392-3

John W. Duncan to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, October 23, 1852

MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, October 23rd, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: I have just had the pleasure of reading, your speech, delivered some time ago in Richmond, and I assure you, I have rarely seen a clearer and more conclusive exemplification of true democratic principles and policy, than is contained in it. If it is published in pamphlet form, I wish you would be good enough to send me one or two copies. I am very glad, that you took the opportunity of giving your opinion upon two subjects, that seem now to form a prominent portion of the democratic creed, but which, you boldly and ably repudiate as most dangerous to our best interests. I mean Johnsons measure for giving away the public lands known as the Homestead Bill and the new doctrine of "Intervention." Either of these principles would destroy the best party on earth, and are certainly antagonistic to the recognized views of the "Virginia School." By the way was John Randolph a pupil of that school or an excrescence upon it. In what light is he held by its true disciples?

I suppose you begin to think by this time, that the politics of Georgia are perfectly inexplicable. The truth of the matter is we have a few leaders here, who are determined to sacrifice everything, even Pierce's election, to their own personal feelings. I told you when I saw you in July last in Washington, that I did not doubt, we should roll up a handsome majority for Pierce in Georgia. I then believed, that the elements of the democratic party, which had for a time been separated would harmoniously unite, but I am grievously disappointed. After the Baltimore Convention Gov [ernor] Cobb's friends held a separate meeting, and nominated a new Electoral Ticket, and thus put the democracy at defiance. The Whigs refused to sustain Cobb and went off into two wings, that of Scott and Webster and he soon began to see the anomalous position which he occupied, and he withdrew the ticket of Electors, composed one half of Whigs and the other of democrats. But he had carried his friends so far he found it would be more difficult to bring them back. So he began to beg and entreat but alas! the door was shut in his face and there he now stands at this eleventh hour a miserable suppliant at the threshold of the Party with none even to pity or reverence him.

His friends in the highlands of the State have again put out another ticket for Pierce and King, the effect of which will be to distract the Party and prevent the popular vote from being cast for our Candidates. We therefore expect that the Legislature must be specially called to unite the knot which the politicians have made. So much for York and Lancaster.

I see that Botts, the notorious nocturnal companion of Tyler, has been pledging your State to Scott. Don't you think he ought to be indicted? I look upon this as a slander upon the good old dominion that never once was known to "flush" in her devotion to democracy. I look upon Pierce's election as an absolute certainty, and then I have no doubt we shall have the government conducted on sound democratic and economical principles. What do you think about it?

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 147-9

Frank G. Ruffin to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 2, 1852

SHADWELL, ALBEMARLE Co., [VA.], November 2nd, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: I know not if a man retired as I am from politics and never very active or influential in that field has a title to ask a favour even at the hands of one of his own strait sect; but as I speak not in my own behalf but for another I have ventured to approach you on the subject.

I learn, but not from himself, or by his agency, that in case Mr. Pierce shall have been elected, my friend, Gov[erno]r McDonald of Georgia has been mentioned in his own and some other contiguous states as a suitable member of the Cabinet: and it has been suggested that your influence would avail in getting him into that position. I need not mention to you how true he has been to the rights of the South and that he is not more of a disunionist than you and I, that is to say, as the lady remarked of Wilkes, "he does not squint more than every gentleman ought to." But I may say, what his retiring disposition and rare modesty may have prevented your knowing, that he is a man of marked ability, of wise moderation, of Roman firmness, of devoted patriotism, and of the loftiest public and private character. Every drop of his blood pulseth in accordance with Southern rights; and had every Southern man been as wise, as prudent, and as firm as he we should not now have to mourn the surrender of those rights?

I presume from Cobb's activity, that he is after some such post. You know him. Ought such a man, dead in his own state, except perhaps for purposes of mischief, to supplant him whom I propose, and thus rise one step higher towards that office which he has sought by betraying not only his own section, but the very principles which he proposes to maintain? Would it not be a step gained that the President of the Nashville Convention should aid the deliberations of Mr. Pierce?

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 149

Herschel V. Johnson* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 8, 1852

(Private.)

ELIZABETH CITY Co., NEAR HAMPTON, [VA.],

November 5th, 1852.

MY DEAR HUNTER: I wrote you in June a short note from Baltimore immediately after the adjournment of the Convention, to which I rec[eive]d an answer in a few days. I write now to acknowl

edge its receipt and to say that I have had several very free conversations with Wise since. He speaks of you in the kindest manner and does you ample justice, meet him with the cordiality of former days and all will be well. I know that he loves you and desires your friendship, nay thinks himself entitled to it. I pray God that nothing may ever occur to separate you.

Franklin Pierce from present indications will receive at least 270 of the electoral vote-the vote of every Southern State. We believe, an awful beating, this indeed. He is indebted to Virginia for his Crown. Well who from our State must go into the Cabinet? You say "I have nothing to ask and shall ask nothing from the incoming administration for myself." Do you intend to say that you would decline any offer? I ask the question because I frequently heard you spoken of and the wish expressed that you would accept the Treasury if offered you, indeed I have been asked if I thought you would accept. I had not thought much upon the subject, and had no wish about it. The only desire I have upon the subject is that you should exercise your own judgment and be where you can be most useful.

The Treasury will be the great leaver to work for reform 'tis very certain, and I hope to see some Southern man of the right stamp at it.. Your present position is a commanding one and one from which you can better be heard by the nation, perhaps too it is nearer to the succession. Well if you shall come next after Pierce I shall not despair of the republic.

The last time I saw Bayly he told me that you would be the next President, that he intended to make you President. "You be d-d you can't get back to Congress yourself, and you talk to me about making Hunter President." "When and how come you so fond of Hunter. You always loved Hunter better than you love me." "If it be true can't you account for it very, very easy. Hunter votes right always-You only occasionally." Booker it is impossible you can doubt my fidelity to the South you must have confidence in me. "Confidence sir is a plant of slow groth as Mr. Pitt said." I like Bayly very much. We have been friends a long time, and Ì have tried very hard to forgive him. I withheld from him my vote the last time he was a candidate. It was painful to me to be obliged to do so. He does not understand his position, does, not know how much ground he has lost. I doubt if he can ever recover. In saying this much do not understand me as doubting his fidelity to you. I do not, no, I believe him sincere. In the event of your taking a seat in the Cabinet Bayly and Wise will both struggle hard for your place in the Senate, the former I am certain cannot succeed the latter may, perhaps will. I know of no really formidable competitor in the East. I am interrupted and must conclude before I had finished all I had to say.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 149-50

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 31, 1864

The last day of the year. Snowing and wet. Gen. H. Cobb writes that the existing Conscription Bureau is a failure so far as Georgia, Alabama, etc. are concerned, and can never put the men in the field.

Wm. Johnston, president of the Charlotte (N. C.) and South Carolina Railroad, suggests the construction, immediately, of a railroad from Columbia, S. C., to Augusta, Ga., which might be easily accomplished by April or May. It would take that length of time for the government to "consider of it." It will lose two railroads before it will order the building of one.

There is supposed to be a conspiracy on foot to transfer some of the powers of the Executive to Gen. Lee. It can only be done by revolution, and the overthrow of the Constitution. Nevertheless, it is believed many executive officers, some high in position, favor the scheme.

To-morrow Gen. Lee's army is to be feasted with turkeys, etc. contributed by the country, if the enemy will permit them to dine without molestation. The enemy are kept fully informed of everything transpiring here, thanks to the vigilance of the Provost Marshal, detectives, etc. etc.

Gen. Cobb writes that he is arresting the men who remained in Atlanta during its occupation by Sherman, and subjecting themselves to suspicion, etc. Better march the men we have against Sherman now, who is still in Georgia!

Gen. Lee writes that Grant is concentrating (probably for an attack on Richmond), bringing another corps from the Valley; and if the local troops are brought in, he does not know how to replace them. His army diminishes, rather than increases, under the manipulations of the Bureau of Conscription. It is a dark and dreary hour, when Lee is so despondent!

Senator Henry writes that any delay in impressing the railroad from Danville to Greensborough will be fatal.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 370-1

Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, December 2, 1849

Washington 2 Dec^r 1849

MY DEAR AND^W, I had a very pleasant and safe journey on. The weather was fine throughout; but is now very bad. It snowed during the night, and is now sleeting, with a North Easter; so that I was lucky in taking time by the forelock. I am now quartered at Hills on Capital Hill for the Session. There is much confusion in the ranks of both parties and it is thought it will be difficult to elect a Speaker.¹ Winthrop and Cobb have been nominated by their respective parties; There is a Scism in the ranks both of the Democrats and the Whigs, as to the Speaker, of which will be difficult to heal. The session will be one of great excitement and confusion.

_______________

¹ See Winthrop's Memoir of Robert C. Winthrop, pp. 96-101. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was elected.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 774-5

Congressman Horace Mann, January 7, 1850

WASHINGTON, Jan. 7, 1850.

Mr. A. has infinitely slender cause to praise Mr. Cobb for putting Mr. Giddings on the Committee on Territories, and Mr. Allen on the District Committee, and Mr. King on the Judiciary; for he has so buried them up with Southern Democrats, that they cannot get their heads high up enough to breathe. With such a committee as Mr. Winthrop would have appointed, we should have met with no obstacles in getting our measures before the country and the House. Now we shall encounter the most serious of obstacles at every step; and, if it is possible for skill or power to bar out all antislavery measures, it will be done.

There is no end to the perversions of partisans. A partisan cannot be an honest man, whether he be a political or a religious partisan. How necessary it is to cultivate the seeds of truth in the young! Nothing can be, or can approach to be, a substitute for it. So of the great principle, that it is for the interest of every man to be a true man, and that by no possibility can perversion or error be useful. How the world needs to be educated!

Does H. get exact and complete ideas of things? Can he reproduce what you teach him? This is an all-important part of teaching. Has a lesson been so learned that the pupil can restate it in words, or exemplify it in act, or draw it on blackboards, &c.? This is the test to which learners should be early subjected. I am very glad about the music. We pity Laura Bridgeman for the privation of her physical powers; but how many of us need to be pitied for the privation of faculties whose absence deforms just as much as a loss of the senses! One of these is music.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 285

Charles Sumner to George Sumner, January 8, 1850

You will see by the papers the doings at Washington. The contest on the Speakership is showing its good influence already.¹ The slave-power has received its first serious check, and all parties see that the slavery question is soon to be paramount to all others. General Cass's motion in the Senate² will probably be defeated; it would certainly be a dangerous precedent. Nevertheless, I am so sincerely displeased by the conduct of Austria, I should be willing to see our country depart from its general course of international usage in order to testify its condemnation of what has occurred. But, alas! while we have slavery our voice is powerless. Every word for freedom exposes the horrid inconsistency of our position. The slavery discussion will follow that of the Austrian mission. In the Senate I predict great weight for my friend, the new senator from Ohio, Mr. Chase. He is a man of decided ability, and I think will trouble Calhoun on the slavery question more than any others. He is in earnest, is a learned and well-trained lawyer, and is a grave, emphatic, and powerful speaker."³

_______________

¹ Howell Cobb of Georgia and Winthrop being the Democratic and Whig candidates. Ante, p. 148.

² Looking to a suspension of diplomatic relations with Austria, on account of her treatment of Hungary.

³ Mr. Chase spoke against Clay's Compromise, March 26 and 27, 1850, making the most thorough and spirited speech on that side.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 212

Senator John C. Calhoun to Anna Calhoun Clemson, February 24, 1850

Washington 24th Feb 1850

MY DEAR ANNA, . . . Besides my correspondence, which, with Mr Clemson, extends when from home to nine persons in my own family, and when at home usually five or six, I have written between 350 and 400 pages of foolscap in execution of the work I have on hand, since we parted, and have reviewed, corrected and had coppied the elementary disquisition on government (now ready for the press) containing 125 pages of foolscap. When I add, that I have done all this in the midest of a round of company, and my many other engagements, I think you will see, that I have a very good excuse, if I have not written you as frequently as formerly.

I answered Mr Clemson's last, shortly after I received it. I hope he has got my answer. I gave him an account of my illness, and the State of my health at the time. My strength gradually continued to return, but slowly, until I had so far recovered, that I was enabled to take my seat in the Senate last monday and hoped to be able to address the Senate on the great question, which now absorbs all others, in a few days. The next day, the weather was very bad, and I did not go out. The day after I found myself in the incepient state of a cold, which increased the next, accompanied by a slight fever. I have the last three days been free of any febrish symptoms, and my cold is now broke. I cough still a good deal but the phlem is loose, and I expectorate freely. It has thrown me back a week, but there has been nothing serious about it. I do not think it is to be attributed to any exposure, or imprudence on my part, but to the state of the atmosphere. Indeed colds are so common as to be almost epidemick.

I am afraid Patricks health is seriously impaired. He is now staying with his brother Andrew, and is much better. I hope when the weather gets warm, and settled he will go to Fort Hill, and remain there until he gets fully able to join his Regiment. A frontier life, away from the pleasures of a city, may fully restore him.

The excitement, in reference to the Slave question continues on the increase. I see no prospect I see no prospect of any satisfactory adjustment of it. You were deceived, if you supposed the South gained anything, by the election of Cobb. He was forced on us by the Northern democrats, as they call themselves, but free soilers as they should be called. They could not be induced to rally on any other Southern man; and the only reason they rallied on him was, that he was the least true of all the Southern members, of the South, to the South. Indeed, such is the state of things in which we are placed, that it is indispensible to the elevation of any Southerner, that he should be false to his section.

I am exceedingly anxious to be heard in the debate now going on in the Senate; and as my strength may not be sufficiently restored in time, I have resolved to write out what I intended to say, and have it read, should it not be.

I am happy to hear that you are all well, and the children doing so well. My love to Mr Clemson and them, with a kiss from grandfather. May God bless you all.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 782-3

Major-General Joseph Wheeler to General Braxton Bragg, November 16, 1864

GRIFFIN, November 16, 1864—4 p.m.        

(Received Richmond 1.10 p.m. 17th.)

General BRAGG:

Enemy checked this evening near Bear Creek. Enemy evidently marching to Macon.

JOS. WHEELER,        

Major-General.

(Same to Generals Beauregard, Cobb, Hardee, Hood, Smith, Taylor, and Governor Brown.)

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 860

Official Reports of Operations near Jacksonville, Fla., March 23-31, 1863: No. 2. — Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army.

No. 2.

Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF EAST FLORIDA,        

Lake City, Fla., March 31, 1863.

GENERAL: I have the honor to report that on the night of the 24th instant I directed Lieutenant [T. E.] Buckman, chief of ordnance, to proceed with the rifled 32-pounder furnished me by Brigadier-General [H.] Cobb, mounted on a platform car on the railroad, and a sufficient infantry support for the gun, to within range of the town, and open on it with shot and shell. In obedience to this order Lieutenant Buckman proceeded to within 1½ miles of the town and opened on it with effect, throwing shell with great accuracy into those parts of the town where the enemy were located. The gun was admirably served, and great credit is due to Lieutenant Buckman and to Private Francis Soulé, of Captain [Edwin] West's company, First Special Battalion Florida Volunteers, commanding gun detachment, for its effective service. The firing of the enemy from a large number of heavy guns on their gunboats and some in battery soon became concentrated and accurate, and the gun, in pursuance of orders, was withdrawn after inflicting some damage on the enemy and without loss on our side.

On the succeeding morning the enemy advanced in force, about 1,500 strong, in three columns, driving in pickets with skirmishers, and formed in line of battle about 3 miles from town. My entire force was immediately ordered with all possible expedition to proceed to the ground where they were drawn up and engage them. The rifled 32-pounder, under command of Lieutenant Buckman, with a strong support of infantry and cavalry on left flank, protected on the right by the main body of our troops, was sent down on the railroad, and opened on the enemy as soon as they came within range, gradually approaching them until within full view of a considerable force protected by a 12-pounder Parrott gun, and engaged in destroying a culvert over which it was necessary for our gun to pass in order to shell the town. Lieutenant Buckman opened on them with effect, throwing shell with great accuracy and dispersing the party.

In the mean time a section of Captain [R. H.] Gamble's battery of Florida artillery was ordered some little distance in advance of our main body, and under command of Captain Gamble and Lieutenant [F. L.] Villepigue opened on the enemy a cross-fire in the direction where they were supposed to be lying concealed in some force. The enemy had in this fight, in addition to the Parrott gun on the railroad car, a small hand piece, with which he opened in the direction of the firing from Captain Gamble's section. He did not await the advance of the main body of our troops, but retired precipitately soon after the 32-pounder gun had opened on him. I continued to throw shell into their column for some distance on their retreat, and found evidence of considerable loss on their part--a number of guns, caps, haversacks, canteens, and fragments of human bodies and portions of skulls were found on the several roads occupied by their columns.

The conduct and services on this occasion of Lieut. T. E. Buckman, chief of ordnance, and of Private Francis Soulé, of Captain West's company (First Special Battalion), commanding gun detachment of 32-pounder rifled gun, is again entitled to special commendation.

The enemy having retired, I sent forward a strong body of infantry, under command of Major [T. W.] Brevard, First Partisan Rangers, with orders to hold them in reserve under cover from the enemy's guns, and to send forward a body of skirmishers to approach cautiously and ascertain the position of the enemy in the immediate vicinity of the town and endeavor to draw them out in force. The order was executed by Major Brevard with promptness, gallantry, and discretion. The skirmishers, under command of Major Brevard in person, advanced to within a short distance of the town. Finding the enemy's pickets drawn into their outer battery (a strong position on the brow of a hill), a ravine in front, and a strong force well posted for its defense and under good cover on either flank, and having no further object to gain, I ordered Major Brevard's command to retire, and replacing and strengthening my pickets, returned with the main body of my force to camp, having inflicted on the enemy, as I have reason to believe, a probable loss of 10 or 15 men, without any casualties to my own troops.

The conduct and spirit of both officers and men of the entire command were excellent, and I desire to mention favorably to the commanding general Col. Duncan L. Clinch, Fourth Georgia Cavalry; Lieutenant-Colonel [A. H.] McCormick, Second Florida Cavalry; Major R. B.] Thomas, inspector-general and acting chief of artillery; Maj.[R. B.] Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers; Major [Robert] Harrison, Second Florida Cavalry; Major [J. C.] McDonald, Fourth Georgia Cavalry; Captain [Edwin] West, First Special Battalion; Captains [John] Westcott, [Samuel W.] Mays, P. B. Bird, and J. Q. Stewart, of Brevard's battalion of Partisan Rangers, and Lieut. ——— Tucker, commanding company from camp of instruction, and his officers and men.

On the succeeding day (the 26th instant) I placed early in the morning a strong force of infantry, with a battery of artillery, under Major Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers, under cover some woods to the right of where the enemy were posted on the 25th instant, with the design of getting in their rear should they again venture out. During the day information reached me that they were out in force, and I again marched to meet them, with the intention of cutting them off, but they retired before we got near them. On the night of the 26th [instant] they were out in some force attempting to destroy the railroad track about 1 mile from town. Lieutenant Buckman was again ordered with the rifled 32-pounder and an infantry support to drive them in. This he accomplished with a few rounds. On each succeeding day I posted a large body of infantry under cover for the purpose of cutting off any force that might come out; but the enemy kept closely within their lines in the suburbs of the town and under the immediate fire of their gunboats and batteries.

On Sunday, the 29th instant, while reconnoitering the town from a position on the river, I discovered it was on fire in several places and that the transports were being loaded with troops. I immediately conjectured that the enemy were leaving, and pressed on into the town, arriving just after the departure of the last gunboat. I found the town in great part consumed, but succeeded in extinguishing the fire in some valuable buildings. There were evidences of precipitate departure by the enemy, and some quartermaster's stores were left by them, which were taken and turned over to the proper officers.

I regret to report that on the night of the 27th instant Lieutenant [O. F.] Braddock, of Captain [John] Westcott's company Partisan Rangers, who had obtained, through the solicitation of his officers, permission to proceed to the east bank of the Saint John's River to bring across the wives and children of men in the service who were there destitute and exposed to the outrages of the negro troops of the enemy, after having  <ar20_236> crossed the river, some 12 miles above my camp, and met the wagons sent by his captain to convey the women and children, was captured, with 15 men, 2 wagons, and 8 mules, by a three of the enemy under Col. ——— Montgomery. The mules were recovered by a force which I sent in pursuit, but the wagons were burned by the enemy and the women and children carried off. I have ordered the arrest of this officer (who subsequently escaped from his captors), and will ask for his trial by court-martial whenever the proper witnesses can be produced. The fortifications erected by the enemy around Jacksonville were formidable.

I desire to bring to the notice of the commanding general in the highest terms of praise the conduct and services of both officers and men of the command in the recent operations, and herewith transmit a copy of General Orders, No. 12, issued by me, to which I beg to refer the commanding general for special mention of instances of individual merit. I will, however, here mention as pro-eminently entitled to consideration the services and conduct of Lieut. T. E. Buckman, chief of ordnance on my staff, a most accomplished, brave, ingenious, and energetic officer, and Privates Francis Soulé, of Captain West's company, First Special Battalion, and James Chestnut, of Captain Chambers' company, Second Florida Cavalry; also Capts. W. E. Chambers and Winston Stephens of the Second Florida Cavalry, and their officers and men.

I have ascertained that the enemy's force in Jacksonville was as follows: Eighth Maine, 1,100 strong; Sixth Connecticut, 800 strong (whites); First South Carolina Volunteers (black troops), commanded by Col. T. W. Higginson, a full regiment, estimated from 900 to 1,500; Second South Carolina Volunteers (blacks), Colonel Montgomery commanding, not full.

I have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOS. FINEGAN,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding.

Brig. Gen. THOMAS JORDAN,
        Chief of Staff, Charleston, S.C.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 234-6

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 2, 1861

A slight solace to one's anxieties about home is found in the circumstances brought by successive steamers during the week. 1. The proposition of Mr. Crittenden, or "The Border States," seems growing into favour. 2. There was a large minority on the question of secession before next 4th of March in the Georgia Convention. 3. The Alabama members of Congress have been instructed not to quit, but to wait further advices. 4. The South Carolina Commissioner, Colonel Hayne, has suspended his demand for the evacuation of Fort Sumter. 5. Charleston is suffering greatly from want of supplies. 6. Major Anderson is universally applauded. 7. Virginia has adopted as satisfactory the compromise of Crittenden. 8. Financial affairs are improving; the United States stock rose one per cent.

There would seem to be a most extraordinary departure from the chivalric honour in public life which has heretofore characterized Southern gentlemen in the disloyal treachery with which Cobb, Floyd, Thomson, Thomas, and Trescott have pursued secession in the very penetralia of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. Nothing can relieve them from the charge of deceit and treachery but their having apprised the President, on entering his counsels, that, instead of recognizing as paramount their allegiance to the Union, they were governed by "a higher law" of duty to Georgia, Virginia, Mississippi, Maryland, and South Carolina respectively.

Persigny, recently appointed to the Ministry of the Interior in Paris, made a popularity-seeking plunge at his outset in relaxing restrictions on the Press. Suddenly he has turned a corner; giving, three days ago, an "avertissement" to the Courrier de Dimanche, and arbitrarily ordering the offensive writer, Ganeseo, out of the Kingdom! He says that Ganeseo is a foreigner, and cannot be allowed to criticise the principle of the Imperial Government.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 432-3

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, November 11, 1866

UNITED STATES SHIP SUSQUEHANNA (off Sandy Hook),

Nov. 11, 1866.

Dear Brother: I had to make this trip to escape a worse duty, and to save another person from a complication that should be avoided.

I am determined to keep out of political, or even quasipolitical office, and shall resign before being so placed, though I cannot afford to resign.

I hope that Congress will not let power pass into the hands of such men as Butler, Phillips, etc. extreme men, as much so as Davis, Cobb, etc. We have escaped one horn of the dilemma, and ought if possible the other. But it is too late to argue anything, but I feel that if we cannot be calm and temperate in our country, we have no right to go to Mexico to offer ourselves as their example and special friends. You can write me, through the Navy Department, as I may run to New Orleans where Sheridan could hold a letter for me, but I expect little the next two months. . . .

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 282-3

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 29, 1864

Clear and pleasant.

We are beginning to get authentic accounts of the operations on Thursday; and yet, from the newspaper publications, we see that the government has withheld one of Gen. Lee's dispatches from publication. Altogether, it must be regarded as a decisive failure on the part of the enemy to obtain any lodgment nearer to the objective point; while his loss was perhaps two to our one.

A letter from Gen. Howell Cobb, Macon, Ga., in reply to one from the Secretary by the President's direction, states that Gen. Beauregard, in arranging difficulties with Gov. Brown, did not compromise the dignity or interests of the Confederate States Government, or violate any law.

It is now said Sheridan is retreating toward the Potomac, followed by Early. Some 500 more recruits for Early left Richmond yesterday. This would indicate that Gen. Lee has men enough here.

The President suggests that confidential inspectors be sent to ascertain whether Gen. Early's army has lost confidence in him. Both Gen. Lee and the President are satisfied that the charges of drunkenness against Gen. E. merit no attention. The Secretary had indorsed on a paper (referred by him to the President) that he shared the belief in the "want of confidence," etc.—and no doubt would have him removed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 318

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, December 23, 1860

The Arabia brings the news that Secretary Cobb has resigned. He goes then to join the Disunionists, who, in Georgia, object to joint, but are in favor of separate, secession. Mr. Cobb is forty-five years of age; before he becomes sixty, he will have discovered that a good cause is really only injured by violence, and best promoted by calm and steady action; he will then have become, for he has ample ability, a safe American statesman.

The news in no respect diminishes the gloom of affairs in the United States. The situation is deplorable already, and worse is in prospect. I think it at once proper and becoming to manifest sympathy with my countrymen in their present trials. I have, therefore, declined Mr. Bates's invitation to the New-Year festivities at Sheen. It is impossible to be merry when one's country is gasping for breath.

China news is highly interesting. The first Napoleon has been always condemned by the British press for despoiling the academies and temples of Italy of their treasures of art, which he collected in his gallery of the Louvre. Still, they vindicated the burning of our Capitol and White House in 1814 by Ross; they bombarded the superb private residence of Prince Woronzow at Odessa; and here they are again, this time conjointly with the French, avowedly plundering and carrying off the ornaments and comforts of an imperial summer palace! War necessarily leads to excesses, which every effort should be made to restrict as much as possible. What conceivable benefit to the cause in which they are engaged could the allies derive from purloining pictures, statuary, and articles of novelty? But such are the two heads of European civilization. The French have made a separate convention, after the Treaty of Peace, bargaining for liberty to carry off coolies (hem!), for a recognition of Catholicism throughout China, and an indemnity of twelve millions of dollars! Pretty well for Louis Napoleon, and better, considering his looting, for Marshal Montauban.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 423-5

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, December 25, 1860

Christmas. Fahrenheit stood this morning eighteen degrees below freezing point. A rare degree of cold in England, exceeding any we have felt during our residence in London.

Mr. Cobb resigned the Treasury on the 10th instant. He will greatly strengthen the secession movement in Georgia. A dissolution of the Union seems imminent, and, should it occur, will attest and perhaps permanently establish the supremacy of abolitionism; for it will be seen that by the withdrawal of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, let alone the other slave-holding States, Lincoln and the Republican party will at once be placed in an overwhelming Congressional majority, and have a clear field to push their principles to extreme practice. Markoe and Hutchinson, writing on the same day, agree in drawing a most melancholy picture of the condition of the country, politically and financially.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 425

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 10, 1864

A white frost; first frost of the season. All quiet below.

Gen. W. M. Gardner (in Gen. Winder's place) reports that of the exempts and citizens taken from the streets to the front, last week, a majority have deserted. This proves that even a despotic military act cannot be committed with impunity.

Gen. Beauregard telegraphs from Opeleka, Ala., that he has arranged matters satisfactorily between Gov. Brown of Georgia and Gen. Cobb, regarding exempts and State militia.

The President directs the Secretary to ascertain if this has been done in accordance with law and the interests of the service.

Gen. R. Taylor telegraphs that Gen. E. K. Smith has proclaimed pardon to deserters, from trans-Mississippi Department, after he had arrested most of them and sent them to their regiments, and now be recommends that no more troops be brought over the river or they will be sure to desert. The President directs the Secretary to correspond with Gen. Smith on the subject. Gen. Taylor is the President's kinsman-by his first marriage.

Gen. Beauregard left Opeleka on the 7th inst. for Hood's army, so in a few days we may expect a battle.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 302

The Late Case of Assault in the Senate Chamber — published June 7, 1856

The report of the Hon. Howell Cobb and Hon. A. B. Greenwood, the minority of the committee of the House of Representatives, appointed to investigate the facts touching the assault by one of its members on a member of the Senate, is a long but able document, and sets forth very clearly, the privileges of the House and the Senate as well as their respective members, and the authority the House has to punish one of its own members for a violation of the privilege of a member of the Senate. We quote as follows:

The first allegation is that the privilege of Mr. Sumner has been violated in this: that he has been questioned for the delivery of a speech in the Senate, in violation of that provision of the constitution which declares that “for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.” This provision of the constitution was evidently intended to protect members of Congress from such legal liability as they might incur for words spoken in debate in their respective houses. It can hardly be supposed that the constitution was providing against a mode of questioning which in itself, even without such provision, would have not only been unauthorized by law, but in direct violation of the criminal law of the land. It is far from being settled that this immunity from responsibility goes to the extent claimed for it by those from whom we differ in this matter.

If members of Congress seek this shield and protection which the constitution gives them, is it an onerous condition imposed upon them that their speech shall be proper and legitimate in the discharge of their constitutional duty? Ought they to be permitted to avail themselves of the position given them by a confiding constituency to indulge in language and reflections in no wise necessary for the discharge of their official duty, nor promotive of the public good? And, even granting this right to the fullest extent, and they go beyond this exercise of speech or debate, and afterwards publish and circulate, in pamphlet form, libelous matter under the pretext that it is in this published form privileged speech or debate in Congress? Even the British Parliament, with all its disposition to protect its members, and, under the doctrine of privilege, to extend to them powers and immunities, refused to extend the doctrine beyond the strict limits of debate upon the floor of Parliament. The language of our constitution in this respect is drawn from the parliamentary law, and we suppose it will not be contended that our members of Congress have greater latitude in this respect from the members of the British Parliament.

Here the report quotes from Justice Story’s work on the Constitution, in support of their view. Judge S. says:

“Although a speech is delivered in the House of Commons is privileged, and the member cannot be questioned respecting it elsewhere, yet, if he publishes his speech, and it contains libelous matter, he is liable to an action and prosecution therefore, as in common cases of libel.

“And the same principles seem applicable to the privilege of debate and speech in Congress. No man ought to have a right to defame others under color of performance of the duties of his office. And if he does so in the actual discharge of his duties in Congress, that furnishes no reason why he should be enabled, through the medium of the press, to destroy the reputation and invade the peace of other citizens. It is neither within the scope of his public duty nor in furtherance of public rights or public policy. Ever Citizen has good a right to be protected by the laws from malignant scandal, and  false charges, and defamatory imputations, as a member of Congress has to utter them in his seat. If it were otherwise, a man’s character might be taken away without the possibility of redress, either by malice of indiscretion or overweening self-conceit of a member of Congress.”

We again quote from the report:

“The only provision of the Constitution under which the power can be exercised, on which the majority of our committee have relied, is the one already quoted, which declares that ‘each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member.’

It is a question which has been much discussed, and one which it is important to decide correctly. To what extent is the power given to the two houses by this provision of the constitution to punish their members? Taking the whole paragraph in its connected sense, it seems to us that it has reference to the House while in session in the actual discharge of its constitutional duties. The power of providing rules for its proceedings, it will be seen, is coupled in that same sentence with the power to punish its members for disorderly behavior, and the power with the concurrence of two-thirds, to expel a member. If it had been contemplated that the power conferred in this provision were to be exercised to the extent now claimed for them, they would hardly have been placed in such intimate connexion with the simple power of providing rules for the proceedings of the two houses. We entertain no doubt that the whole of this provision looks to the session of the House, to the providing of rules for its proceedings during its sessions, to punishing its members for such disorderly conduct as would interrupt its session, and, where that conduct amounted to such an outrage upon the rules and proprieties of the House as would justify it, to expel the member.

To place any other construction upon this provision would be to make the members of each house, and their moral conduct and deportment, subject to the whim caprice and discretion of a majority of the body. Extend it beyond the presence of the session of the house and it becomes an unlimited power, operative not lonely during the session of Congress, but during the recess; to be exercised not only in reference to the conduct of members when in Washington city or in the District of Columbia, but when they have returned to their respective homes, and even when they have gone beyond the limits of the country. When you have passed the limits which are her laid down, there is no other boundary short of Congressional discretion. And we cannot believe that it was the intention of the framers of the constitution to place the moral conduct and deportment of members of the two houses of Congress under the control and discretion of a majority of either house.

The report, in conclusion, contends that there has been no violation in this case of the privileges of either House of Congress, or any member thereof, over which the House has jurisdiction. Whatever offence may have been committed, it says, is properly cognizable before the courts of the country, and it proposed to dismiss the subject to that jurisdiction provided by the constitution and laws of the country for its investigation.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Saturday Morning, June 7, 1856, p. 3