Showing posts with label Italy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Italy. Show all posts

Monday, April 10, 2023

Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, February 20, 1861

The day before yesterday the "Parliament of Italy" opened its first session at Turin. A great consummation! giving the noblest immortality to Victor Emmanuel and Cavour. The 18th of February must be marked with a white stone.

A levée at St. James's Palace. Anxious to receive my mail from home, I remained but five minutes after passing the Queen. Lord Clyde particularly cordial.

SOURCE: George Mifflin Dallas, Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, While United States Minister to Russia 1837 to 1839, and to England 1856 to 1861, Volume 3, p. 436

Thursday, January 19, 2023

Speech of Lord John Russell, Saturday, October 12, 1861

Gentlemen, it is with feelings of the deepest gratitude that I rise to acknowledge the toast which has now been drunk. It has been my fate to have taken part in many political measures, and during a tolerably long political life, I take this approbation of a set of men so enlightened as a testimony that I have not dishonored my principles; that I have done nothing to impair the honour, and so injure the interests of my county. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, If I have been successful in any of the measures that have been proposed, it has been that I have proposed, in more fortunate times, measures which had the approbation of great men, who have gone before me. I have endeavoured to follow in the footsteps of Lord Grey, Lord Holland, Sir Samuel Romilly, and Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) My noble friend near me has justly and correctly alluded to that which happened in 1830. Lord Grey at that time being in the councils of his sovereign, resolved to introduce a measure founded on those principles of reform of which he had through life been the advocate;  and let me say that there can be no more gratifying—no more noble aspect in the history of the public life of a statesman, than to see Lord Grey, who, in adverse times, had been content to give his opinion, and had then allowed rivals of far less well-founded principles than himself—to carry on the government of the country and enjoy power without envy on his part. It was a great spectacle to see this man, when the opinions of the people came round to him, resume, without passion and without resentment, those plans for the benefit of his country of which he had always been the distinguished advocate. (Applause.) Lord Grey, as my Noble Friend has said, called to his assistance his Noble Brother, Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) It was my happiness to be associated in that work with Lord Durham. We labored together to the same end in perfect harmony and agreement as to measures that we though necessary for the reform of the representations. (Cheers) With us was joined a person whose absence I deeply deplore to-day, who would have been here to-day if his health had allowed him, and whose talents have been the greatest service to this country. I mean Sir J. Graham. (Cheers.) With these two was associated Lord Dungannon, who was specially acquainted with many parts of our representative system. We framed the plan of reform—(cheers)—and that reform, as you all know, was not only carried, but has now been nearly thirty years in operation. (Cheers.) That it has operated beneficially I cannot doubt—(cheers)—and that it has led the way to many other great measures which never could have been carried in an unreformed Parliament. (Cheers.) And, Gentlemen, let me say, when I embarked in public life I embarked with the view of carrying great measures into effect and having great public objects before me. It appears to me that public life is only honourable when it is directed to such measures—(applause)—and that the pedlar who sells his pins and pincushions  for sixpence has a better, because an honester, trade, than the man who devotes his talents to public life, only for the sake of seeking his own emolument. (Applause.) Gentlemen, many of the measures which I have noticed have been successful. We need not now refer to them all; but there is one point which, perhaps, I may refer to, because it respects a principle which I think runs through many of our measures of late times, and shows an improvement in the general principles of government. What I mean is this—that in favour of religious liberty; first, the Protestant Dissenters, then the Roman Catholics, and lastly and recently the Jews,—and all our measures with regard to free-trade have been measures not introducing new plans, not formed upon skillfully devised schemes, but have been merely unloosing the fetters which statutes and laws had placed on the dear liberty of the subject. It is the business of the government to maintain internal peace, to settle the civil relations which should prevail among the community, to defend the independence of the country abroad; but governments had sought to do more than this—they had sought to lay down rules of faith, to which they have asked men, under pain and penalty of punishment, to adhere, quite ignorant that they, the government, were utterly unable to frame rules of faith which should better the conscience. (Applause.) To take the other instance to which I am alluding, namely, that of free trade, what struggles we have had now going on for nearly forty years, in order to enable men to do that which is perfectly innocent in itself, namely, to exchange the products of their industry against the products of the industry of others, which were objects of use, of comfort, or of enjoyment. (Applause.) I remember the beginning of these contests, when certainly the principles of free trade were not understood as they now are, a petition being presented to the House of Commons, setting forth that your petitioners made gloves, which were inferior to the gloves of France, and therefore they prayed, what do you suppose, not that people might be allowed to wear the gloves of France, which were cheaper and better, but the gloves of France might be utterly excluded, in order that they might furnish bad and dear gloves. (Laughter and cheers.) Why, gentleman, this is the whole history of protection and free trade. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Parliaments and legislatures have presumed they should direct the industry of their fellow subjects into the channels that should be profitable to the country at large, not seeing that if you leave men their freedom they would find out themselves what were the occupations which would be most profitable, and what were the goods which they could produce to the best advantage. It is, therefore, not only that we have passed some very excellent measures, but that we have enlarged and enlightened the whole machinery of government. We say there are certain things in which government ought not to interfere, upon which the man himself—the subject—is the best judge, and to him must be left the choice of his occupation. (Cheers.) Above all, I am happy to say we have it not in this country; but in many countries people consider that it is a part of the duty of a government to fetter and bind the talents and abilities of men, and that upon no subject of politics, upon no subject of morals, upon no subject of literature even should men use the talents with which God had endowed them, without the control and permission of the officers of Government. (Cheers.) Such, gentlemen, then, have been the general principles upon which these measures to which general principles upon these measures to which I allude have been passed. They have been sound principles; and, as I have said, I trust they will be applied in future times in any other cases of a similar kind. (Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, I will state in a few words what has been my course since I have been entrusted with the seals of the foreign department. That course has been to respect the independence of foreign nations, and to endeavour to induce others to do the same. (Hear, hear, and applause.) There is one of those countries with which we have had much to do, and of which we have heard much of late years. I mean Italy. We have all seen with pleasure—I see that a very distinguished man (Mr. Henley) says there is no one in the country who has not seen with pleasure the Italians casting off their old chains, and exercising the powers of government for themselves, in that way gaining there distinction distinction which in old times belonged to them only. We all rejoice to see them assert that independence, and we shall all rejoice if they establish a free government, and thus effect the happiness, the self-respect, and the elevation of one of the finest countries and one of the most talented nations of the globe. (Great applause.) But, gentlemen, of late a difficulty has arisen, to which great attention has been given. Italians say, and they say with great apparent justice, that the independence of Italy cannot be fully consummated unless Rome, the capital, is in their hands. (Loud cheers.) I may say that the people of Naples will be willing to found in that city an Italian government, as that is a part of Italy associated with ancient institutions; but as Italy has not Rome, they cannot regard it as a kingdom. Well, on the other hand, the Roman Catholics of Europe say that they require that the independence of the Pope should be respected, and many say that it cannot be respected without territorial government. That it is a discussion which has been going on for some time; and I observed in what I was reading this morning—an essay by one of the most learned ecclesiastics of Italy, that the opinion is now gaining ground that whether the temporal power ought to become the right of the King of Italy or not, the spiritual power will be more felt, it will be more respected, and will be exercised more fairly, if it is separated from the temporal. In the conclusion of the discourse to which I have alluded, the author says that is what is wished by the people of Italy, and that is what is wished by the people of Italy, and that is in the world. (Applause.) This, as I have said, is not a question upon which we can take the initiative; but this I will say, that I think that what that learned ecclesiastic has proposed, and which is in accordance which the opinions given has proposed, and which is in accordance which the opinions given by that great man now so much regretted—Count Cavour, will furnish a solution to the Italian difficulty, and that it will be a great means of securing the independence and happiness of Italy. Gentlemen, let us look for a moment at another part of the world—at another country which, for my part, I have always observed with the greatest interest—the United States of America. It appears to me that it would be a great misfortune to the world if that experiment in free government which, though not carried on in exactly the same principles as our own—principles which had been devised with great wisdom—it would be a very great misfortune if anything were to happen to divide that state. (Cheers.) I am very sorry to say that those events have happened, and we now see two parties contending together—not upon the question of slavery, though that I believe is the original cause of the conflict—not contending with the respect to free trade and protection, but contending as so may States of the old world have contended—the one side for empire and the other for power. Far be it from us to set ourselves up as judges in this matter, but I cannot help asking myself, as affairs progress in the contest, to what good end can it lead? Supposing the contest ended by the re-union of its different part, that the South should agree to enter again with all the rights of the constitution, should we not again have that fatal subject of slavery brought in along with them—(Cheers)—that subject of slavery which caused, no doubt, the disruption, we all agree must, sooner or later, cease from the face of the earth? (Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, as you will see, if this quarrel could be made up, should we not have those who differed with Mr. Lincoln at the last election carried; and that the quarrel would recommence, and perhaps a long civil war follow? On the other hand, supposing the United States completely to conquer and subdue the Southern States—supposing that should be the result of a long military conflict—supposing that should be the result of some years of civil war, should we not have the material property of that country in a great degree destroyed? Should we see that respect for liberty which as so long distinguished our North American brethren? (Cheers.) Should we not see those Southern men yielding to a force, and would not the north be necessitated to keep  in subjection those who had been conquered, and would not that very materially interfere with the freedom of the nation? (Cheers.) If that should be the unhappy result to which we at present look forward, if by means such as this the reunion of the States should be brought about, is it not the duty of those men who have embraced the precepts of Christianity, to see whether this conflict cannot be avoided? Gentlemen, I have made these observations to you upon matters, as I have said, deeply affecting us all, but not upon matters upon which the Government of this country has any immediate power or interest. Had they been cases of that kind, it would not have been consistent with my duty as Foreign Secretary to have spoken to you in detail upon the subject. In these cases, it is the duty of the head of the Government of this country to watch closely as to what happens with respect the independence of all foreign nations, but not to let go any part of that caution and vigilance which becomes ministers of England at this time, not to impair any part of the influence of this country, because that influence may be used in the cause of freedom and of humanity—(Hear, Hear, and cheers)—not to lower in any respect the power of this country, because that power may be absolutely necessary to preserve the freedom of Europe, to vindicate the independence of nations, and to guard our own dignity and freedom. (Cheers.) Much has been said on the continent of Europe in disparagement of my Noble Friend who is now at the head of the Government, but on examining those strictures, I have never been able to make out more than this, that he was believed to be too susceptible with regard to the interests of this country. (Cheers.) I shall be at little pains to vindicate him from such an attack. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, I own that my Noble Friend constantly devotes his attention to keep clear and unsullied the honour of England—(Applause)—to keep uninjured and unimpaired the interests to help him in that great task. (Cheers.) It is my privilege to help him in that great task. (Cheers.) I do not feel that to be entrusted with such a task by the people of so great and so free a country as this, is something that makes public life worth having—(cheers)—that lightens its labour—that lightens its anxiety—(cheers)—and, I may add, that while that task is thus rendered honourable, while it is one which a man may be proud to undertake, it is no small addition to feel that he has acted upon the whole for the benefit of his country; and that whatever errors and mistakes he may have made at times, he will meet from such an assembly as the present the king and indulgent acceptance of his efforts, and that, at all events, they will give him credit for the firm intention to do for “old England” all that he could.

SOURCE: “The Banquet,” Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, Sheffield, Yorkshire, England, Tuesday, October 15, 1861, p. 5

Friday, June 14, 2019

John L. Motley to Anna Lothrop Motley, November 17, 1863

November 17, 1863.

My Dearest Mother: . . . I shall say nothing of our home affairs save that I am overjoyed at the results of the elections in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York, without being at all surprised. As to Massachusetts, of course I should as soon have thought of the sun's forgetting to rise as of her joining the pro-slavery Copperheads. The result of the elections in Missouri and Maryland has not yet reached me, but I entertain a strong hope that the latter State has elected an emancipation legislature, and that before next summer the accursed institution will be wiped out of "my Maryland."

The elections I consider of far more consequence than the battles, or rather the success of the antislavery party and its steadily increasing strength make it a mathematical certainty that, however the tide of battle may ebb and flow with varying results, the progress of the war is steadily in one direction. The peculiar institution will be washed away, and with it the only possible dissolvent of the Union.

We are in a great mess in Europe. The Emperor of the French, whom the littleness of his contemporaries has converted into a species of great man, which will much amuse posterity, is proceeding in his self-appointed capacity of European dictator. His last dodge is to call a Congress of Sovereigns, without telling them what they are to do when they have obeyed his summons. All sorts of tremendous things are anticipated, for when you have a professional conspirator on the most important throne in Christendom, there is no dark intrigue that doesn't seem possible. Our poor people in Vienna are in an awful fidget, and the telegraph-wires between London, St. Petersburg, and Paris are quivering hourly with the distracted messages which are speeding to and fro, and people go about telling each other the most insane stories. If Austria doesn't go to the Congress out of deference to England, then France, Russia, Prussia, and Italy are to meet together and make a new map of Europe. France is to take the provinces of the Rhine from Prussia, and give her in exchange the kingdom of Hanover, the duchy of Brunswick, and other little bits of property to round off her estate. Austria is to be deprived of Venice, which is to be given to Victor Emmanuel. Russia is to set up Poland as a kind of kingdom in leading-strings, when she has finished her Warsaw massacres, and is to take possession of the Danubian Principalities in exchange. These schemes are absolutely broached and believed in. Meantime the Schleswig-Holstein question, which has been whisking its long tail about through the European system, and shaking war from its horrid hair till the guns were ready to fire, has suddenly taken a new turn. Day before yesterday the King of Denmark, in the most melodramatic manner, died unexpectedly, just as he was about to sign the new constitution, which made war with the Germanic Confederation certain. Then everybody breathed again. The new king would wait, would turn out all the old ministers, would repudiate the new constitution, would shake hands with the German Bund, and be at peace, when, lo! just as the innocent bigwigs were making sure of this consummation so devoutly wished, comes a telegram that his new Majesty has sworn to the new constitution and kept in the old ministers.

Our weather has become gray, sullen, and wintry, but not cold. There has hardly been a frost yet, but the days are short and fires indispensable. The festivities will begin before long. Thus far I have been able to work steadily and get on pretty well.

Ever your most affectionate son,
J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 348-50

Monday, August 29, 2016

John L. Motley to Baron von Bismarck, August 29, 1862

Legation of the United States of America, Vienna,
August 29, 1862.

My Dear Bismarck: I have been at this point now about eight months, and ever since I came here I have been most desirous of opening communications with you. But for a long time you seemed to be so much on the move between Berlin, Petersburg, and Paris that even if I should succeed in getting a letter to you, it appears doubtful whether I should be lucky enough to receive a reply.

Perhaps I shall be more successful now, for the newspapers inform me that you are in some watering-place in the south of France. So I shall write but a very brief note, merely to express my great desire to hear from you again, and my hope that in an idle moment, if you ever have such, you will send me a line to tell me of yourself, your prosperity, and of your wife and children.

Pray give my sincerest regards to Madame de Bismarck, and allow me to add those of my wife, although personally still unknown to you both, alas!

I don't know whether you have observed in any newspapers that I was appointed about a year ago minister plenipotentiary, etc., to this court. I arrived here from America about the beginning of November. I much fear that this is the very last place in Europe where I shall ever have the good luck of seeing you. Nevertheless, whether you remain in Paris or go — as seems most likely from all I can gather from private and public sources — to Berlin this autumn to form a ministry, in either case there is some chance of our meeting some time or other, while there would have been none so long as you remained in St. Petersburg. Pray let me have a private line from you; you can't imagine how much pleasure it will give me. My meeting with you in Frankfort, and thus renewing the friendship of our youth, will remain one of the most agreeable and brightest chapters in my life. And it is painful to think that already that renewed friendship is beginning to belong to the past, and that year after year is adding a fold to the curtain.

However, you must write to me, and tell me where we can all meet next summer, if no sooner. I wish you would let me know whether and how soon you are to make a cabinet in Berlin. Remember that when you write to me it is as if you wrote to some one in the planet Jupiter. Personally, I am always deeply interested in what concerns you. But, publicly, I am a mere spectator of European affairs, and wherever and whatever my sympathies in other times than these might be, I am too entirely engrossed with the portentous events now transacting in my own country to be likely to intermeddle or make mischief in the doings of this hemisphere, save in so far as they may have bearing on our own politics. You can say anything you like to me, then, as freely as when you were talking to me in your own house.

The cardinal principle of American diplomacy has always been to abstain from all intervention or participation in European affairs. This has always seemed to me the most enlightened view to take of our exceptional, and therefore fortunate, political and geographical position. I need not say how earnest we are in maintaining that principle at this moment, when we are all determined to resist to the death any interference on the part of Europe in our affairs.

I wish, by the way, you would let me know anything you can pick up in regard to the French emperor's intentions or intrigues in regard to our civil war.

Of course I don't suggest to you for an instant any violation of confidence, but many things might be said with great openness to you that would not, from reserve or politeness or a hundred other reasons, be said to an American diplomatist.

I suppose there is no doubt whatever that L. N. has been perpetually, during the last six months, provoking, soliciting, and teasing the English cabinet to unite with him in some kind of intervention, and that the English ministers have steadily refused to participate in the contemplated crime. Of course they know and we know that intervention means war with the United States government and people on behalf of the rebel slaveholders; but I have very good reason to know that the English government refuse, and that Lord Palmerston even ridicules the idea as preposterous. Not that the English love us. On the contrary, they hate us, but they can't understand how it will help the condition of their starving populations in the manufacturing districts to put up the price of cotton five hundred per cent., which a war with America would do, and to cause an advance in corn in the same proportion. There is no doubt whatever that the harvest in England is a very bad one, and that they must buy some thirty million sterling worth of foreign corn. On the other hand, the harvest in America is the most fruitful ever known since that continent was discovered.

Unless lunatics were at the head of affairs in England, they would not seize the opportunity of going to war with the granary of corn and cotton without a cause.

But it may be different with France. She is fond of la Gloire. And she is sending out an expedition to Mexico, although she seems likely to have her hands full in Italy just now. Moreover, L. N. is the heaven appointed arbiter of all sublunary affairs, and he doubtless considers it his mission to “save civilization” in our continent, as he has so often been good enough to do in the rest of the world.

What do you think is his real design? How far do you believe he has gone in holding out definite encouragement to the secessionist agents in France? Do you think he has any secret plot with them to assist them against us in the Gulf of Mexico? Will he attempt anything of this kind without the knowledge and connivance of England? I say no more except to repeat that you may give me, perhaps, a useful hint or two, from time to time, of what you hear and know. It is unnecessary for me to say that I shall keep sacredly confidential anything you may say to me as such.

I shall not go into the subject of our war at all, save to say that it is to me an inconceivable idea that any man of average intellect or love of right can possibly justify this insurrection of the slaveholders. The attempt to destroy a prosperous, powerful, and happy commonwealth like ours, merely that on its ruin might be constructed a slave-breeding, slave-holding confederacy, is one of the greatest crimes that history has recorded. In regard to the issue of the war I don't entertain the slightest doubt, if foreign interference is kept off. If the slaveholders obtain the alliance of France, the war will of course be indefinitely protracted. If we are left to ourselves, I think with the million of men that we shall have in the field in the course of the month of October, and with a fleet of twelve or fifteen first-class iron-clad frigates, which will be ready by that time, that the insurrection cannot hold out a great while longer. However, of that I am not sure. Time is nothing to God — nor to the devil either, as to that matter. We mortals, creatures of a day, are very impatient. The United States government is now fighting with the devil, for the spirit of this slave Confederacy is nothing less. How long it will take us to vanquish it I know not. But that it will be vanquished completely I entertain no doubt whatever. I don't expect you to accept my views, but I thought it as well to state them. I am more anxious about the next three months than about anything that can happen afterward. Let me, however, warn you — in case you take an interest in the progress of our affairs — not to believe in Reuter's telegrams as in the London “Times.” Their lies are stupendous, and by them public opinion all over Europe is poisoned. This is nothing to me. Their lies can't alter the facts — I have other sources of information. But when I see how the telegraph and the European press have been constantly worked for the interest of the secessionists, it does not surprise me to see the difficulty which honest people have in arriving at the truth, either in fact or in theory. Do you know your colleague, Mr. Dayton, United States Minister in Paris? Let me recommend him to you as a most excellent and honorable man. Renewing all our kindest regards to you and yours, believe me, my dear Bismarck, always most sincerely your old friend,

J. L. Motley.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 271-6

Sunday, March 1, 2015

John M. Forbes to Nassau W. Senior, December 20, 1861

Boston, 20 December, 1861.

Nothing from you lately. You will be glad to hear that our people here are within the control of the government in regard to the difficulty with England, and unless the demands are made in such a spirit and manner as to make it seem that war is intended sooner or later, we can tide over the present trouble. If our government or people are made to feel that the Trent affair is merely a pretext, and that after making disagreeable concessions there, we shall only be called upon the sooner to "eat dirt" in some other case, we shall of course fight at first, coĂ»te qu’il coĂ»te.

This I do not anticipate, but I hope you statesmen will look ahead beyond the immediate horizon and try to treat this case so that it shall not further embitter the feelings of the two nations, and thus lay the foundations of a future war, whether of tariffs or cannon!

It will be unfortunate, for instance, if you make stringent demands for reparation of a wrong which to our common people, and to the common sense of the world, will in so large a matter between nations look like a technical or legal quibble.

You cannot convince our people that you are justified in humiliating us in this our extremity upon the ground that our frigate exercised an admitted right in a wrong manner, the wrong growing out of a generous motive toward your ship or your nation.

I know it is an important principle that no naval officer should take the office of a judge, and I shall be glad to see our officers and yours put upon their responsibility to conform, in manner and in substance both, to the Law of Nations, — but you ought not to push the legal advantage, if you have one, too far, where the substantial equity will seem to be with us! If you do, it will be considered like striking us while we are down, and will be remembered and resented long after this generation has passed away.

One cannot yet fairly judge how far our government and people may be pushed in the way of concession. If we do give way much beyond what seems to us fair, you may put it down to our inveterate earnestness to whip our domestic enemy.

I hope and believe we shall get over this near danger of collision with you, but I want to see the future guarded too.

If, for instance, you propose to leave the whole question to arbitration of parties as nearly disinterested as the case admits of, I think it will be received as an earnest of a better state of feeling. The king of Italy and the Czar, though opposed to republican institutions, would, I think, be accepted as fair referees, of course after proper argument being heard from your jurists and ours.

On the other hand, to insist upon your own interpretation of the international law, or upon referring it solely to Louis Napoleon, will, even if we concede it, leave a sting that will rankle for half a century! It will confirm all our worst fears that your rulers are ready to catch at any pretext, and risk any amount of suffering to your own people if they can only thus make sure of the failure of republican institutions. The prevailing opinion is that such is the disposition of your government, and I daily hear men of property and of general worldly prudence advocate the necessity of absolute resistance to any demand for concession. They reason that it would break down the spirit of our people and create internal divisions to a degree that is worse than foreign war! Their policy would be to let the foreign demands intensify our efforts against the rebels, and the moment it is ascertained that actual war will result, let loose the blacks, cut the dikes which confine the Mississippi, and deluge New Orleans and the whole of the flat country on its banks; an easy task!

A spark may thus ignite all the elements of war, while public opinion is so nearly balanced that it is only to-day that one can speak for! To-day peace is probable — to-morrow it may be impossible.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 260-3

Monday, February 16, 2015

Diary of William Howard Russell: March 27, 1861


This morning, after breakfast, Mr. Sanford called, according to promise, and took me to the State department. It is a very humble — in fact, dingy — mansion, two stories high, and situated at the end of the magnificent line of colonnade in white marble, called the Treasury, which is hereafter to do duty as the head-quarters of nearly all the public departments. People familiar with Downing Street, however, cannot object to the dinginess of the bureaux in which the foreign and state affairs of the American Republic are transacted. A flight of steps leads to the hall-door, on which an announcement in writing is affixed, to indicate the days of reception for the various classes of persons who have business with the Secretary of State; in the hall, on the right and left, are small rooms, with the names of the different officers on the doors — most of them persons of importance; half-way in the hall a flight of stairs conducts us to a similar corridor, rather dark, with doors on each side opening into the bureaux of the chief clerks. All the appointments were very quiet, and one would see much more bustle in the passages of a Poor Law Board or a parish vestry.

In a moderately sized, but very comfortable, apartment, surrounded with book-shelves, and ornamented with a few engravings, we found the Secretary of State seated at his table, and enjoying a cigar; he received me with great courtesy and kindness, and after a time said he would take occasion to present me to the President, who was to give audience that day to the minister of the new kingdom of Italy, who had hitherto only represented the kingdom of Sardinia.

I have already described Mr. Seward's personal appearance; his son, to whom he introduced me, is the Assistant-Secretary of State, and is editor or proprietor of a journal in the State of New York, which has a reputation for ability and fairness. Mr. Frederick Seward is a slight delicate-looking man, with a high forehead, thoughtful brow, dark eyes, and amiable expression; his manner is very placid and modest, and, if not reserved, he is by no means loquacious. As we were speaking, a carriage drove up to the door, and Mr. Seward exclaimed to his father, with something like dismay in his voice, “Here comes the Chevalier in full uniform!” — and in a few seconds in effect the Chevalier Bertinatti made his appearance, in cocked hat, white gloves, diplomatic suit of blue and silver lace, sword, sash, and ribbon of the cross of Savoy. I thought there was a quiet smile on Mr. Seward's face as he saw his brilliant companion, who contrasted so strongly with the more than republican simplicity of his own attire. “Fred., do you take Mr. Russell round to the President's, whilst I go with the Chevalier. We will meet at the White House.” We accordingly set out through a private door leading to the grounds, and within a few seconds entered the hall of the moderate mansion, White House, which has very much the air of a portion of a bank or public office, being provided with glass doors and plain heavy chairs and forms. The domestic who was in attendance was dressed like any ordinary citizen, and seemed perfectly indifferent to the high position of the great personage with whom he conversed, when Mr. Seward asked him, “Where is the President?” Passing through one of the doors on the left, we entered a handsome spacious room, richly and rather gorgeously furnished, and rejoicing in a kind of “demi-jour,” which gave increased effect to the gilt chairs and ormolu ornaments. Mr. Seward and the Chevalier stood in the centre of the room, whilst his son and I remained a little on one side: “For,” said Mr. Seward, “you are not to be supposed to be here.”

Soon afterwards there entered, with a shambling, loose, irregular, almost unsteady gait, a tall, lank, lean man, considerably over six feet in height, with stooping shoulders, long pendulous arms, terminating in hands of extraordinary dimensions, which, however, were far exceeded in proportion by his feet. He was dressed in an ill-fitting, wrinkled suit of black, which put one in mind of an undertaker's uniform at a funeral; round his neck a rope of black silk was knotted in a large bulb, with flying ends projecting beyond the collar of his coat; his turned-down shirt-collar disclosed a sinewy muscular yellow neck, and above that, nestling in a great black mass of hair, bristling and compact like a ruff of mourning pins, rose the strange quaint face and head, covered with its thatch of wild republican hair, of President Lincoln. The impression produced by the size of his extremities, and by his flapping and wide projecting ears, may be removed by the appearance of kindliness, sagacity, and the awkward bonhommie of his face; the mouth is absolutely prodigious; the lips, straggling and extending almost from one line of black beard to the other, are only kept in order by two deep furrows from the nostril to the chin; the nose itself—a prominent organ — stands out from the face, with an inquiring, anxious air, as though it were sniffing for some good thing in the wind; the eyes dark, full, and deeply set, are penetrating, but full of an expression which almost amounts to tenderness; and above them projects the shaggy brow, running into the small hard frontal space, the development of which can scarcely be estimated accurately, owing to the irregular flocks of thick hair carelessly brushed across it. One would say that, although the mouth was made to enjoy a joke, it could also utter the severest sentence which the head could dictate, but that Mr. Lincoln would be ever more willing to temper justice with mercy, and to enjoy what he considers the amenities of life, than to take a harsh view of men's nature and of the world, and to estimate things in an ascetic or puritan spirit. A person who met Mr. Lincoln in the street would not take him to be what — according to the usages of European society — is called a “gentleman;” and, indeed, since I came to the United States, I have heard more disparaging allusions made by Americans to him on that account than I could have expected among simple republicans, where all should be equals; but, at the same time, it would not be possible for the most indifferent observer to pass him in the street without notice.

As he advanced through the room, he evidently controlled a desire to shake hands all round with everybody, and smiled good-humoredly till he was suddenly brought up by the staid deportment of Mr. Seward, and by the profound diplomatic bows of the Chevalier Bertinatti. Then, indeed, he suddenly jerked himself back, and stood in front of the two ministers, with his body slightly drooped forward, and his hands behind his back, his knees touching, and his feet apart. Mr. Seward formally presented the minister, whereupon the President made a prodigiously violent demonstration of his body in a bow which had almost the effect of a smack in its rapidity and abruptness, and, recovering himself, proceeded to give his utmost attention, whilst the Chevalier, with another bow, read from a paper a long address in presenting the royal letter accrediting him as “minister resident;” and when he said that “the king desired to give, under your enlightened administration, all possible strength and extent to those sentiments of frank sympathy which do not cease to be exhibited every moment between the two peoples, and whose origin dates back as far as the exertions which have presided over their common destiny as self-governing and free nations,” the President gave another bow still more violent, as much as to accept the allusion.

The minister forthwith handed his letter to the President, who gave it into the custody of Mr. Seward, and then, dipping his hand into his coat-pocket, Mr. Lincoln drew out a sheet of paper, from which he read his reply, the most remarkable part of which was his doctrine “that the United States were bound by duty not to interfere with the differences of foreign governments and countries.” After some words of compliment, the President shook hands with the minister, who soon afterwards retired. Mr. Seward then took me by the hand and said — “Mr. President, allow me to present to you Mr. Russell, of the London ‘Times.’” On which Mr. Lincoln put out his hand in a very friendly manner, and said, “Mr. Russell, I am very glad to make your acquaintance, and to see you in this country. The London Times’ is one of the greatest powers in the world, — in fact, I don't know anything which has much more power, — except perhaps the Mississippi. I am glad to know you as its minister.” Conversation ensued for some minutes, which the President enlivened by two or three peculiar little sallies, and I left agreeably impressed with his shrewdness, humor, and natural sagacity.

In the evening I dined with Mr. Seward, in company with his son, Mr. Seward, junior, Mr. Sanford, and a quaint, natural specimen of an American rustic lawyer, who was going to Brussels as Secretary of Legation. His chief, Mr. Sanford, did not appear altogether happy when introduced to his secretary, for he found that he had a very limited knowledge (if any) of French, and of other things which it is generally considered desirable that secretaries should know.

Very naturally, conversation turned on politics. Although no man can foresee the nature of the crisis which is coming, nor the mode in which it is to be encountered, the faith of men like Mr. Sanford and Mr. Seward in the ultimate success of their principles, and in the integrity of the Republic, is very remark able; and the boldness of their language in reference to foreign powers almost amounts to arrogance and menace, if not to temerity. Mr. Seward asserted that the Ministers of England or of France had no right to make any allusion to the civil war which appeared imminent; and that the Southern Commissioners who had been sent abroad could not be received by the Government of any foreign power, officially or otherwise, even to hand in a document or to make a representation, without incurring the risk of breaking off relations with the Government of the United States. As regards the great object of public curiosity, the relief of Fort Sumter, Mr. Seward maintains a profound silence, beyond the mere declaration, made with a pleasant twinkle of the eye, that “the whole policy of the Government, on that and other questions, is put forth in the President's inaugural, from which there will be no deviation. Turning to the inaugural message, however, there is no such very certain indication, as Mr. Seward pretends to discover, of the course to be pursued by Mr. Lincoln and the cabinet. To an outside observer, like myself, it seems as if they were waiting for events to develop themselves, and rested their policy rather upon acts that had occurred, than upon any definite principle designed to control or direct the future.

I should here add that Mr. Seward spoke in high terms of the ability, dexterity, and personal qualities of Mr. Jefferson Davis, and declared his belief that but for him the Secession movement never could have succeeded as far as it has gone, and would, in all probability, indeed, have never taken place at all. After dinner cigars were introduced, and a quiet little rubber of whist followed. The Secretary is given to expatiate at large, and told us many anecdotes of foreign travel; — it I am not doing him injustice, I would say further, that he remembers his visit to England, and the attention he received there, with peculiar satisfaction. He cannot be found fault with because he has formed a most exalted notion of the superior intelligence, virtue, happiness, and prosperity of his own people. He said that it would not be proper for him to hold any communication with the Southern Commissioners then in Washington; which rather surprised me, after what I had heard from their friend, Mr. Banks. On returning to my hotel, I found a card from the President, inviting me to dinner the following day.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 36-40

Saturday, February 14, 2015

John Lothrop Motley to the Duchess of Argyll, May 16, 1861

31 Hertford Street, Mayfair,
May 16, 1861.

My Dear Duchess Of Argyll: I hope that you will kindly accept the accompanying volumes, in memory of the delightful days during which we had the privilege of enjoying your hospitality at Inveraray.

You were my first reader, or rather my first and only listener, for you may recollect that you allowed me to read a chapter from the proof-sheets.

I have just taken the liberty of writing a hurried note to the duke. I do hope that you will use your influence to persuade him and the English government and all England that the cause of the United States government is a righteous cause; that we are disappointed and mortified at the idea that there should be any party in England, least of all in the Liberal government, who should look coldly on the chance of our dismemberment, while we are struggling with the most gigantic rebellion with which a civilized commonwealth was ever called on to grapple. We are but in the beginning of the conflict. Of course we do not expect anything but neutrality; but why we are not as much entitled to moral sympathy as Italy ever was, I cannot understand. With the greatest regard,

Believe me very faithfully yours,
J. L. Motley.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 127

Sunday, August 10, 2014

Francis Lieber to George S. Hillard, May 11, 1861

New York, May 11, 1861.

I must write to you, my dear Hillard, although I have nothing to state, to give, or to ask, except, indeed, whether you are well, bodily of course — for who is mentally well nowadays? Behold in me the symbol of civil war: Oscar probably on his march to Virginia under that flag of shame, Hamilton in the Illinois militia at Cairo, Norman writing to-day to President Lincoln for a commission in the United States army, we two old ones alone in this whole house; but why write about individuals at a time like this!

Mr. Everett sent me for perusal a pamphlet written in 1821, by McDuflle, so hyper-national in tone and political concepts that it confuses even an old student of history and his own times, like myself.  . . . There are two things for which I ardently pray at this juncture: that there be soon a great and telling battle sufficient to make men think again, and somewhat to shake the Arrogantia autlralis out of the Southerners; and secondly that, if we must divide, we change our Constitution and shake the absurd State-sovereignty out of that. All, there are other things, too, for which I pray. I bite my lips, that Italy has stolen such a march over Germany. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 318

Tuesday, April 1, 2014

Foreign News by the Steamer Scotia

NEW YORK, May 21.

The steamer Scotia arrived at one o’clock this p.m.

The Sumter remained at Gibraltar.

Mr. Longard stated in the House of Commons that as far as the Government knew, Mr. Mercier’s visit to Richmond was without instruction from France, and was attended with no practical result whatever.  The Paris correspondent of the New Confederate organ, the Index, asserts that M. Mercier was under instructions to ascertain certain points, and will report in person to the Emperor.

The Independence Belge asserts that the object of Lavelette’s recent visit to London was to induce England to consent to a common intervention in American, and England agreed, on condition that the Roman question was first settled.  The French government gave ear to this, and it has led a conference relative to intervention.

Mr. Layard, in announcing the conclusion of a slave treaty in the House of Commons, said its conditions gave every person hope that the traffic will effectually be suppressed.

Mr. Bright said Earl Russell’s late statement, that he hoped in a few months the Northern States would allow the independence of the South, had paralyzed business in Lancashire for the time being, and showed how little he knew of the sentiment of the north.

The Times editorially speaks of the distress in Lancashire, and says it is for the honor of the nation that this distress be known, that the world may see the sacrifices made in the cause of neutrality.

The Times regards the new slave trade treaty as the first fruits of secession, but says it is not a blow at the South but a victory over the North.

The Paris correspondent of the London Herald says it’s beyond  a question that the recognition of the South is seriously contemplated by the French government.

The Bourse was flat – 70 to 80c.

Rumors of the approaching solution of the Roman Question are getting more general.  It is reported that the Papal government is prepared for sudden departure.

LONDON, P. M., May 10th. – Consols further declined, closing to-day at 92 1-2a29 3-4; Ill C. 49 1-4a46 3-4 discount; Erie 32 1-4a32 3-4.

Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 22, 1862, p. 1

Thursday, January 16, 2014

Charles Francis Adams to William H. Seward., October 3, 1862

No. 229.]
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, October 3, 1862.

Sir: Since the date of my last I have received despatches from the department numbered from 339 to 349, both inclusive.

The telegraph intelligence so far outstrips the ordinary course of communication that the accounts of the result of the invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania followed close upon the mention in your No. 349 of General McClellan's first success. As yet we are not in possession of the details, but the effect upon the popular mind of what is known has been already very considerable. So strong had the impression become that all power of farther resistance by the government was for the moment destroyed, that many people confidently counted upon the possession of the national capital by the rebels as an event actually past. The surprise at this manifestation of promptness and vigor has been quite in proportion. The great stroke which was to finish the war, that had been early announced here as about to take place in September, seems to have failed, and to have left its projectors in a worse condition than ever. The prevalent notion of the superiority of military energy and skill on the part of the insurgents in the field has been weakened. As a consequence, less and less appears to be thought of mediation or intervention. All efforts to stir up popular discontent meet with little response. The newspapers of the day contain a report of a decided check just given to a movement of this kind at Staley Bridge, near Manchester. On the whole, I am inclined to believe that perhaps a majority of the poorer classes rather sympathize with us in our struggle, and it is only the aristocracy and the commercial body that are adverse. Perhaps it may be quite as well for us if this should be the case. For the present ministry sufficiently reflects the popular side to be in little danger of precipitation so long as no impulse from that quarter shall be manifested against us.

Great interest continues to be felt in the Italian question. There are symptoms of movement of some kind on the part of the Emperor of France, but nobody pretends to foretell what it will be. The position of Garibaldi rouses stronger interest now that he is in prison than it did whilst he was quietly at home. The difficulty of bringing him to trial, in the face of the popular sympathies of half of Europe, is very serious. On the other hand, religious feelings are strongly appealed to in behalf of the Pope. A serious riot took place in Hyde Park on Sunday last, where a meeting in favor of Garibaldi was attempted. All this contributes to divide the attention heretofore so much concentrated on America.

The distress in the manufacturing region rather increases in severity, but I am inclined to believe that the further closing of the mills is no longer made imperative by the diminution of the material. Large supplies of cotton of the old crop were received from India last week, and three hundred thousand bales are announced as far on their way. The new crop will soon follow. What remains is to adjust the proper relation between the prices of the raw material and the manufactured product, which, owing to the great previous excess of the latter, is yet unsettled. In the meantime much attention is given to the invention of substitutes, and some resort had to other materials. More industry is enlisted in the making of commodities from wool as well as flax. There is also a quickening of the products of which silk is a component part. All these things will, I hope, combine to reduce from this time forward the amount of distress in the indigent classes. I judge that the cotton famine has passed its minimum, and that unless the governments of England and France should be so infatuated as to interrupt the natural progress of events, the great risk to the civilized world of future dependence upon an imperious and false organization of society in America will have been permanently averted. In the midst of all this, I wish I could see at home any prospect of a termination of this deplorable struggle. But the infatuation of the dominant class in the south seems to have reached its highest pitch when it dreams of dictating its own terms in our capital cities. There is no dealing with such persons excepting with their own weapons. Here is the conflict of two ideas which cannot be harmonized by reasoning. Much as it may cost, the struggle must go on, and modern civilization triumph, or America will forfeit all further claim to be designated as the land of the free.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

SOURCE: United States Department of State, Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Part 1, Communicated to Congress December 1, 1862, p. 205-6

Saturday, November 9, 2013

Arrival of the Niagara – Foreign News

HALIFAX, May 14.

The Niagara, Capt. Stone, from Liverpool and Queenstown 4th, arrived this evening.

GREAT BRITAIN. – Vague rumors of the threatened intervention in America continue in circulation, and the dullness and decline in cotton is attributed to them.

The Paris correspondent of the Daily News, writing on the 1st, says it is positively stated to-day in official circles, that the French and English Ministers at Washington have received identical instructions to attempt a moral intervention, exclusive of any idea of forcible intervention, in the hope of putting an end to the war.

The Paris correspondent of the Independence Belge reiterates the statement relative to the contemplated intervention of France and England for re-establishment in the most absolute manner, and has reason to believe the project will soon be made known officially to the public.  It is said certain conditions will be imposed on the South, having for its object the gradual emancipation of the slaves.

The Times publishes a letter from Mr. Russell, explaining the difficulties thrown in his way by Secretary Stanton when he sought to visit the British Man-of-war.  He says the difficulties amounted to prohibition, and thinks Secretary Stanton would order away the Rinaldo if be.  Russell Further says: “In conclusion, I may be permitted to add that I have received assurances that Gen. McClellan has expressed himself strongly, in reference to Secretary Stanton’s conduct to himself in the matters, and that he and his staff have been kind enough to declare to my friends how deeply they regret my absence from their command.”

On the 2d, Sir G. C. Lewis said the House could soon have ample opportunity to discuss the question of defences, as it would be his duty shortly to ask leave to bring in a bill for another loan for national defences.

Mr. Maguire called attention to the distress in the common manufacturing districts, and reported deaths from starvation in Ireland.  He asked what the Government intended doing.

Sir Robert Pool admitted that distress did exist to some extent, but the accounts were greatly exaggerated.

The Times says that England has withdrawn her stake in the military part of Mexican enterprise, and will get redress for the past and guarantees for the future.

Italians in Paris believe that Rome will be occupied soon by Piedmontese troops.

The Paris Constitutionel asserts that the re-call of Gen. Guyon won’t change French policy in Rome.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 16, 1862, p. 2

Saturday, October 19, 2013

American Innovation In Italy

The first popular lecture ever heard in the city of Naples, was recently delivered by Dr. Armsby, of Albany, N. Y., U. S. Consul at that port.  His subject was, “The wisdom and goodness of God, as exhibited in the structure of man.”  It was delivered in a room in the British Consul’s apartments, in aid of the proposed English schools of that city.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 16, 1862, p. 2

Saturday, May 4, 2013

Foreign News

HALIFAX, Jan. 26. – The Europa from Liverpool 11th, Queenstown 12th, arrived last night.

A Cadiz telegram says the American Consul has received orders to protest against the admission of the Sumter.

It was said Spain would protect the prisoners brought by the Sumter.

RUSSIA. – It is reported that Russia has sent an embarrassing ultimatum to Rome that if the Pope don’t condemn the conduct of the Polish Clergy Russia will recognize the Kingdom of Italy.

CHINA. – A new regency has been established at [Peam] under the 2d Empresses.

FRANCE. – The pacific termination of the Trent affair caused a rise in the Bourse of 1 per cent.

The Moniteur says the feeling of profound regret and indignation has been aroused in England and France by the vindictive act of destroying the port of Charleston.  Rentes firm – 68f 60s.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 4

Sunday, April 14, 2013

Later From Europe

Arrival of the Anglo Saxon.

PORTLAND, MAINE, Jan. 30. – The Anglo Saxon from Liverpool, 16th, via Queenstown, 17th, arrived here this morning.  Her dates are five days later.

The steamship Teutonia, from New York, arrived at Southampton on the 12th, with the steamship America, from New York, and the Novascotian arrived at Liverpool on the 14th.  The Edinburg, from New York arrived at Liverpool on the 15th.

The news by the Anglo Saxon is unimportant.

It was rumored that the rebel steamer Nashville had been sold to English ship owners.  The Tuscarora continued to blockade her.

Corn, easy, market closed steady, with an upward tendency for wheat.  Provisions, quiet.

Consols, for money, 93¼.

The London Globe announces that the Washington Cabinet had given orders for the release of the two Americans taken from the English schooner Eugenie and the steamer Santiago de Cuba.

But little business was doing at Loyd’s [sic] in war risks.  There was continued activity in all the departments at the Portsmouth dock yard.

It was stated that the Tuscarora’s movement in leaving her moorings on the 13th inst., was to prevent the Nashville from getting under way for 24 hours.  It was understood that the Tuscarora’s orders were never to leave sight of the Nashville, to blockade her in Southampton, and if she should leave, to chase her as long as she is at sea.  In addition to the Frigate Dauntless, the war steamer Argus, had been placed at the mouth of the Southampton docks, to watch the movements of the two vessels.

The London Times says that mercantile letters from New York represent that the cry for promoting insurrection among the slaves was gaining force, and looking at the threatened horrors, whispers were at length heard of a wish that for the sake of humanity European intervention might be fount practicable.

Additional correspondence had been published in regard to the Trent affair, including Lord John Russell’s reply to Mr. Seward’s dispatch, dated January 11th.  It expresses much satisfaction at the conclusion arrived at by the Washington Government, which it considers most favorable to the maintenance of most friendly relations.  The English Government, however, differs from Mr. Seward in some of his conclusions, and as it may lead to a better understanding on several points of international law.  Lord John Russell proposes in a few days to write another dispatch on the subject.  In the mean time he says that it is desirable that the commanders of United States cruisers shall be instructed not to repeat acts for which the British Government will have to ask redress, and which the United States government can not undertake to justify.  Lord Lyons is thanked for his discretion.

Mason and Slidell had been expected by the America, and a good deal of interest was felt as to the reception they would get at Liverpool. – Various expedients were adopted to secure anything but a flattering one.

There has been no reply to the strictures on the stone blockade of Charleston.

The extra workmen at the dock yards will be discharged at the end of the financial year.

The Shipping Gazette says that war of further diplomatic strife is certain between England and America.

Liverpool Breadstuffs. – W. N. & Co. and others, report flour dull and declined 6d@1s, wheat declined 1d@2d – red 11s@12s 4d, white western 12s 6d@12s 9d, white southern 12s 9d@13s 3d.  Corn easier, mixed 31s@31s 6d.


(Latest via Londonderry.)

Liverpool, 17. – Flour steady, wheat active with an upward tendency, corn quiet but steady, provisions ditto.

LONDON, Jan, 17. – Consols for money 93¼.  I. C. shares 42 7/8 @ 43 1/8 disc., Erie shares 28 N. Y. C. 71@73.

The Times predicts a speedy collapse in America under the suspension of specie payment. – It also published extracts from Mr. Russell’s diary to the 3d of January.  He says it requires an augmentory faith to believe there will be any success in subjugating the South, for the army of the North will be stricken down for the want of means.  The troops sent to points along the coast are suffering from sickness.  The pretense of there being Union men at the South is fast vanishing.  Mr. Russell sees an extraordinary lack of ordinary political common sense in American Journals.

Capt. Symmes of the Confederate States Navy, and commander of the Sumter has addressed a letter to the Times defending his ship against the insinuations of the Secretary of the Federal Navy who in his official report describes the Sumter as a piratical rover.

Paris Bourse steady.  Rentes quoted 69f 20c.

The French journals generally compliment the Washington Cabinet for their action in the Trent affair.

PRUSSIA. – The King of Prussia, in his speech at the opening of the Chambers rejoiced at the happy issue of the Anglo American difficulties.

SPAIN. – The privateer Sumter continued at the port of Cadiz.

London Money Market. – Consols experienced a further decline of ½ per cent.  Money very easy.

The publication of the correspondence in relation to the Trent affair, has lead to some very bitter strictures on the dispatch of Mr. Seward, particularly as regards that part of it where it is announced that the prisoners, Mason & Slidell would have been retained had the interests of the Union required it.

The London Times doubts whether any nation ever committed a blunder so palpable and so enormous.

The London Morning Post says it is clear that the law of the stronger is the only law ruling in the United States.

The London Herald says that the last four lines of Mr. Seward’s dispatch is the only part of it that can be accepted as an answer to British Demands.


(Very Latest per Anglo Saxon.  Telegraphed to Londonderry.)

Liverpool, Jan. 17. – Notwithstanding the rumored sale of the Nashville she continued to fly the Confederate flag.  No sale has been registered at the Admiralty.

Berlin, Jan. 17. – It is reported that England has no objection to examine the question of guarantee for the rights of neutrals by diplomatic correspondence, but would be opposed to a Congress on the question.

Several members of Parliament had been addressing their constituents.  America was the main topic.  Mr. Gladiator made a speech at Leith.  He was very friendly towards America, and hoped the concession of the American Government would be conceived in a most generous spirit and irritation not to be increased by minute criticism.  He thought the North had undertaken a task which would prove too much for them.

Mr. Gilpin, of Northampton, declared that the lack of sympathy with the North was because the North had not identified themselves with the first principles of the Constitution, which declares all men are born free and equal.  But he believed the question had now become Slavery or Freedom.  He called on Englishmen to hesitate before they directly or indirectly sanctioned a premature and unnecessary acknowledgment of the South.

Lord Henry at the same meeting uttered similar sentiments.

Mr. Peeresford took rather opposite ground, he believed that if the Southern Confederacy established its independence it would lead to an amelioration of the condition of the slave.

The frigate Mirror was expected at Plymouth in a day or two on her way to the North American Station.

ITALY. – The Pope in announcing to the Cardinals that Russia had consented to the re-establishment of the Papal Nuncio at St. Petersburg, said he hoped this fresh concession on the part of the Emperor would be the signal for others in favor of the unfortunate Polish nation.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

Tuesday, April 2, 2013

Twenty five American trotters . . .

. . . says the Journal de Havre, have arrived at that port which were purchased for the imperial stables.  Prince Napoleon has selected five of them for his stud and five for the King of Italy.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

Wednesday, March 6, 2013

The Eruption of Vesuvius – Terrific Scene

NAPLES, December 28. – The destruction of a city which numbered 23,000 inhabitants is so startling a fact that I trust I shall not weary you by sending some statistics which I have this week gathered on the spot.  Covered with snow, vomiting ashes still like a ten thousand horse power factory chimney, with a ruined city lying at its feet, such is the spectacle which Vesuvius at this moment presents.  Unable to restrain my curiosity to know what was passing behind the clouds of ashes which intervened between us and the mountain, I went down again on Tuesday last, and directed myself to the committee who had been sitting in permanence since the 8th instant.  The municipal building, a fine old historical edifice of the times of the Arragons, has been destroyed, so that the committee was sitting in a suppressed monastery on the outskirts of the town, and not on the bed of old lava. – The cloisters and the stairs were filled with squalid misery which come here for relief, and the Syndic and his coadjutors, to whose courtesy I am much indebted, gave me the following information.  Out of a population of 21,000, 15,000 are fugitives.  Between fifty and sixty houses have already fallen, and three hundred and twenty are falling, the rest are more or less injured.  Out of eleven churches four only are uninjured, but there is another fearful source of danger – the sulphurous exhalations which are emitted in every direction, and which render houses in other respects comparatively safe, uninhabitable.  By these exhalations, five or six persons, and all the animals, such as cats, dogs, mice and birds, and the fishes in the sea, have been killed.  In fact two thirds of the city have been destroyed.

The committee begged me to appeal to the British public on their behalf, at least to Italians resident in England, and then sent two of their members to accompany me again over the city.  I must confine myself to such new features as I have not yet described, and they are of great interest.  My companions took me through a narrow lane, on either side of which the houses were on the eve of falling, down to an orange garden belonging to one of them, at the furthest extremity of which gaped a crater twenty feet wide and as many deep.  Planks were thrown across, and getting upon them I looked in and saw the walls of a church which had been destroyed in 1798, graves which had given up their dead, for the skeletons had been removed as soon as discovered – and the frescoed walls of the inner chamber of some house.  The smell of sulphur was here strong, and almost insufferable, in the streets through which I afterwards passed.  Dead animals lay here and there and amidst these signs of mortality and sign posts of danger which met the eye at every turn, while to soil was still heaving beneath our feet, while Vesuvius was throwing out more violently than ever, and when at midnight only the poor who had returned had fled from their houses, alarmed by another shock, I met some persons coming in with their household goods on their backs.  A few steps brought me to the sea, which was boiling furiously for some distance, like a cauldron, not the effect as I thought first, of springs of fresh water gushing up, but of volcanic action, and the smell of the gasses escaping was so intense that I found it necessary, for safety, to cover my face with a handkerchief.  Here I met my friends Cappacci, Guiscardi and Palmieri, who had come over as a scientific commission to make investigations.  They bottled up the gas on the spot, which they reported to be carbonic acid and carburretted hydrogen.

How long the eruption might continue Palmieri ahd no means of calculating, it was going on as violently as ever, and his seismograph was always registering.  From Sunday until Monday morning at 5 a. m., there had been eight shocks, and from that time to when he spoke to me they had been continual.  The soil had risen five palms and the subsidence might be attended with great danger.  “Until this has taken place,” he said to my municipal conductors, “you must not think of rebuilding, and you must carefully note the fissures in the houses and the streets, to observe wither the approximate.”  I have said that the number of fugitives was 15,000 only, several thousand having returned to their houses on the confines of the bed of lava on which the great part of Torre is built.  One old woman I saw who had taken up her dwelling in a house which was rent from top to bottom, and almost leaning against the poles which were put up as props to the arches on which it rested.  I stopped and spoke to a thriving shopkeeper, who was looking out eagerly for customers. – “What can I do?” he said, “I have 20,000 ducats invested here, and I must look after them.”  Of the Carbineers I heard only golden opinions – their praise was in every man’s mouth, and I must express my opinion that even in England greater order could not have been preserved, fewer acts of violence committed, or that the Government and local authorities could have lavished more care and attention than have been displayed in Terro de Greco on this sad occasion.  General La Marmora has been down several times to inspect, and the National Bank, according to the last night’s Gazette, has contributed 5,000 lire and opened a subscription for the relief of the poor. – {Cor. Of the London Times.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

Friday, November 30, 2012

Special to New York Papers

(Herald’s Special.)

WASHINGTON, March 24. – The party which left here on Tuesday to look for the remains of Colonel Slocum, Maj. [Ballou] and Capt. Tower of the 2d Rhode Island Regiment, killed at Bull Run, returned this morning bringing their remains.  The party was composed of Governor Sprague, Col. Arnold, Mr. Walter Coleman, his secretary, Lieut. Col. Sailges, Capt. Dennison and Surgeon Grady of the Rhode Island Cavalry, accompanied by two of the Rhode Island Volunteers who had been taken prisoners at Bull Run and had noted the place were officers were buried.  The party arrived Friday at Dudley’s Church.  Col. Slocum and Maj. [Ballou] were buried in the yard of [a] building nearby which was used as a hospital on the day of battle.  This building had been destroyed by the rebels, but the graves were found.  After they had commenced to dig a negro girl inquired if they were digging for the body of Col. Slocum and stated that about six weeks after the battle some soldiers of a Georgia regiment had dug it up, cut off the head and buried the body at the side of the run close by, and taken the coffin away to bury a dead negro.  Her story was corroborated by a white boy and man who lived in the same neighborhood.  On repairing to the spot indicated there was found a pile of ashes and which were pronounced by the Surgeon to be human corpses, which were buried in a box and Major [Ballou] in a coffin.  Upon opening the graves the box was recognized by Mr. Richardson who was present at the interment, and the remains in it were identified as Col. Slocum’s.  Upon opening the other grave it was found to be empty, showing that the body dug up and burned by the Georgia barbarians was that of Maj. [Ballou], as only the two have been interred in that yard.


(Tribune’s Dispatch.)

It is rumored that Green Clay will be transferred from the Secretaryship of Legation at St. Petersburg to that at Turin, the present incumbent, Mr. Fry, having declined on account of ill health.

Dr. John Evans of Chicago has been nominated and confirmed as Governor of Colorado territory, vice Gov. Milliu.  Stephen S. Hardin, of Indiana was on Friday nominated Governor of Utah, vice Geo. Dawson, rejected.

Small squads of rebel horsemen are scouring the country within five miles of Manassas impressing all able bodied men left, robbing the farmers for the hundredth time and destroying what they can’t carry away.

The Saturday’s work of the Ways and Means Committee on demands of delegations for the modification of the tax bill was to put a 3 percent ad valorem charge upon paper of every description; to adopt the schedule on leather substantially as they were presented to the Committee by Mr. Alley, a tanner, and a member of the House; to fix the rate on hoop skirts, umbrellas and parasols at f per cent ad valorem; ready made clothing at 3 per cent ad valorem; to leave salt is in the bill; and later long discussion to let the tax as first reported on tobacco and all its manufactures stand unaltered.  The tax on billiard dabbles was reduced half – to ten dollars a year.  On rock oil petroleum and coal oils the only change was of phraseology so that the refining and produce from distillation shall not be charged for brokers.  The committee took off the tenth of one per cent on their stock sales. Thinking that through their use of powers of attorney, transfer stamps and other assessable incidents of their business they would get taxed enough.  Flour was not disposed of.  The desire to tax of course exists.  The only difficulty in fixing the rate has been presented by the Canadian reciprocity treaty.  The belief has at least obtained in the Committee that flour can be taxed by branding the barrels and taxing the sales without violating the stipulations of that treaty.  The charge on the gross receipts of horse railroads was reduced one half.  It was decided not to tax coal at all, because it enters in the business of nearly the whole nation.  During the discussion on this bill the work on the tariff progressed.  Reference is continually had to it and when an article is taxed for income revenue at the same time an equivalent custom duty is placed on the tax list.  This principle will be adhered to throughout.

The Times’ Washington correspondence says the Commission of State Prisons will, to-morrow, take up the case of the celebrated Mrs. Grenshaw [sic], who will probably be transferred from a state prison to a Lunatic Asylum.

Gen. Montengrey [sic] has been transferred from his post as Military Governor of Alexandria, and placed in a like command at Annapolis.

Painful rumors have been afloat for two days, affecting a prominent officer in the civil department of the Government.  We are promised the denouement this week.

It is not true that the steamer Vanderbilt has been purchased by the Government to be altered to an iron clad vessel.  She is merely chartered for a short time as transport.

The commanding officer at Fort Craig writes to the Government that he has not a doubt of being able to hold the post.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4