SOURCE: “Release of Rebel Prisoners,” The Nashville Daily
Union, Nashville, Tennessee, Sunday, April 13, 1862, p. 1
Showing posts with label John E Wool. Show all posts
Showing posts with label John E Wool. Show all posts
Thursday, November 21, 2019
Release of Rebel Prisoners
The Secretary of War has, it is stated issued an order
stopping the release or parole of prisoners taken at Fort Donelson. It is known that an agreement for the
exchange of prisoners was made some weeks ago, under the direction of the
Secretary of War, by General Wool with General Cobb, by which all of our
prisoners were to be delivered the next day under a flag of truce. A boat was sent to receive them, but no
prisoners were brought down. The same was repeated for two days without
success. Explanations were demanded by
Gen. Wool, but none were furnished.
Pending this breach of faith by the rebels all release or exchange will
be refused by our Government.
Wednesday, March 20, 2019
Assistant Adjutant General Edward D. Townsend to Major-General John Wool, April 28, 1861
Washington, D. C., April 28,1861.
General, — The
General-in-Chief directs me to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 25th
instant and to say in reply that the very great necessity which exists for
carrying out the business of the several staff departments with system, under
their proper chiefs, compels him to request you will give no orders interfering
with the purchase or issue of army supplies, such orders being, in all cases,
dictated by the General-in-Chief himself. The General regrets your infirm
health does not permit him to assign you to an important command away from your
headquarters, and he recommends that you return to Troy to conduct the ordinary
routine duties of your department and for the recovery of your health, known by
him to be feeble. I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient
servant,
E. D. Townsend,
Assistant
Adjutant-General
SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A.
Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 208
Friday, March 8, 2019
Governor John A. Andrew to Major-General John Wool, April 30, 1861
April 30,1861.
. . . I understand N. H. regiment is simply waiting for
orders to move. Vt. is waiting by reason of some hitch merely — though ready.
Maine, perhaps, needs a hint. Conn., I heard, days ago, was prepared with 2
regts. Can't they receive a word from you. — I really want to see them on the
march. But I shall start some more Mass. troops, without "waiting for
manners" much longer. And I doubt not those States are anxious for
orders. I know they are good and trusty.
SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A.
Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 207-8
Wednesday, November 28, 2018
Commandant Samuel F. Dupont to Gustavus V. Fox, Monday, October 28, 1861 – 2 p.m.
Confidential
Wabash H Roads
Monday, 2 P.M. 28th
Oct.
My Dear Sir
The very rough weather continued until eleven today, the sun
is bright and sea getting down.
Shawsheen nearly lost, has come on disabled, and I sent her
to Balto for repairs. I see Ellen and Whitehall had also to take
refuge.
Calhoun stopped at Barnegat and then Abesecomb.
Vixen just in, our Coast Survey vessel. Her executive off.
Mr. Platt, a most experienced coaster tells me he has never seen a worse sea
running on the coast. I am satisfied now we should have lost our ferry boats
and tugs and some two or three transports would have had to return. The tide
will let us swing so as to go at 5 in the morning.
I have been reminded of the Panic about the safety of city
of Washington — it is repeated here on the water talk. My cabin has been full
all day of army QrMasters, Generals, and Steamer Captains. It is now
ascertained the Ocean Queen can make 15,000 Galls a day, and the Vanderbilt
25,000! So the enemy has retired or is outnumbered for a time anyhow. Vandalia
is off with the coal ships.
Between ourselves old Wool is an old goose and not at all
fit to be here.
I made the Midship here and one on the Vandalia Masters
because their juniors had appointments, and a master's mate was promoted over
the one in the Vandalia. I felt sure you would approve under the circumstances
and they are very grateful.
Long and deep pouring over of charts. I think the Genl feels
anxious at the amount of men the rebels can throw by rail to B. S. is impatient
and frets when his QrMasters have doleful reports to make, but I am more and
more impressed by his evident military knowledge and spirit.
In haste
Faithfully
S. F. Dupont
Hon. G. V. Fox
Ass. Secretary
SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright,
Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential
Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865,
Volume 1, p. 61-2
Tuesday, October 23, 2018
Commandant Samuel F. Dupont to Gustavus V. Fox, October 8, 1861
Astor House, N.Y. Oct.
8, 61.
Dear Mr. Fox
I answered yr telegraph in some haste last evening and write
to say that ten days from the seventh will answer or we will make to answer
should I be in advance of it, for in my present view and judgment I cannot
spare any of the vessels you have so judiciously designated.
2. Captain Blake having signified his willingness that
Midshipman Preston should leave the Academy I beg you will order him to Wabash
for I greatly want such a person. The signal business alone for such a fleet to
avoid separations and collisions &c will occupy one mind. He is also a
draughtsman which will be of importance.
3. Please reward old Commodore Gregory's devotion to his gun
boats for which I feel greatly indebted, by ordering his son Hugh M. Gregory to
Wabash of which I wrote you before.
4. Goldboro' (Florida) wants a Gunner.
5. A Masters Mate to Curlew.
6. The number of contraband at Fortress Monroe was nearly
all a sham. Sherman tells me there are only some four hundred men, and
Wool says he will not give them up.
7. The QrMaster is bothered about the transportation of
their Gun Powder—their fort and siege powder, not the fixed ammunition, they
have 2400 bbls! I can take some on the Wabash. Shall I take one of the Barks at
the Yard and make a magazine of her to be towed down?
8. Just had a French & Eng. man of war boarded direct
from Charleston, had not seen the Wabash — Vandalia and Flag. off Charleston
when they left.
9. Gen. Sherman has asked as a favor to him that Lt.
Crossman, now in Philada. be ordered to some vessel in the exped. he
being anxious for service on it. He is a son of the Army Quarter Master of that
name and I believe clever.
10. Davis is hard at work and so am I, Rodgers also here,
all doing our best, full of hope and spirit.
Yours faithfully
S. F. Dupont.
G. V. Fox Esq.
Ass. Secty.
P.S. Should have written sooner but was told you would be
here, until Mr. & Mrs. Blair told me otherwise.
Davis says please not forget Preston.
SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright,
Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential
Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865,
Volume 1, p. 56-7
Sunday, July 1, 2018
Lieutenant-Colonel William T. Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 28, 1863
Headquarters Del. Dept.
Wilmington, Del., July 28th, 1863.
My dear Mother:
That I have not written you more punctually, the enclosed carte-de-visite
must be my excuse. At last I have fulfilled my promise, and I trust the
result may prove satisfactory to you. The carte was promised last
Thursday, but only furnished yesterday. “There's a twist to your nose” says the
ingenuous artist, while taking his preliminary surveys. “Perhaps you fell down
once, and injured it.” I answered mildly that I had no recollection of such a
catastrophe. “Well,” he says, “it isn't straight anyway.” Then adding with a
sigh, “There are very few things that are straight in this world.” I suppose
that this philosophic photographer is right.
After all I am going to be present to-morrow at Horace's
wedding. There really is so little doing, that I feel as though I could absent
myself for a couple of days with propriety. The General says “All right,” so I
shall go on to-night at 11:30. You have not written whether it is your
intention to be present. It would be a great pleasure to me if I should find
you among the guests. Never mind, Fall is near at hand, and my stay in the army
is hastening to an end. I have much leisure time to read, and as it is long
since I have had such an opportunity, I am indulging myself in books with a
vengeance. My previous visit to New-York was merely to vary a little the
monotony of Wilmington life, by the excitement of the mob-rule then prevailing
in the former city. I there met Charley Dodge, who was serving as Chief of
Cavalry on Gen. Wool's staff. Charley contrived to give me some little
employment, but all I did was not much in amount.
I dined a few days ago at ———'s. ——— is a capital good
fellow, but painfully lazy and objectless. Much attention and kindness has been
shown us since we have been here by the Union people. Unionism means something
in a slave state. The most violent secessionists would not venture to express
half the disloyal sentiments that one hears from pretty good Union people in
Connecticut. The Union people here, from their position, are forced to take
such strong ground as to make the sentiment of New England seem cold by
comparison. Much love.
Most affec'y.,
Will.
SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters
of William Thompson Lusk, p. 291-2
Tuesday, September 26, 2017
Abraham Lincoln to Major-General George B. McClellan, April 9, 1862
Washington, April 9. 1862
Major-General
McClellan.
My Dear Sir.
Your despatches
complaining that you are not properly sustained, while they do not offend me,
do pain me very much.
Blenker's Division
was withdrawn from you before you left here; and you know the pressure under
which I did it, and, as I thought acquiesced in it — certainly not without
reluctance.
After you left, I
ascertained that less than twenty thousand unorganized men, without a single
field battery, were all you designed to be left for the defense of Washington,
and Manassas Junction; and part of this even, was to go to Gen. Hooker's old
position. Gen. Bank's corps, once designed for Manassas Junction, was diverted
and tied up on the line of Winchester and Strausburg, and could not leave it
without again exposing the upper Potomac, and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.
This presented (or would present, when McDowell and Sumner should be gone) a
great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the Rappahanock, to and sack
Washington. My explicit order that Washington should, by the judgment of all
the commanders of Army Corps, be left entirely secure, had been neglected. It
was precisely this that induced drove me to detain McDowell.
I do not forget
that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave Banks at Manassas Junction;
but when that arrangement was broken up, and nothing was substituted for
it, of course I was not satisfied. I was constrained to substitute something
for it myself. And now allow me to ask “Do you really think I should permit the
line from Richmond, via Manassas Junction, to this city to be entirely
open, except what resistance could be presented by less than twenty thousand
unorganized troops?” This is a question which the country will not allow me to
evade.
There is a curious
mystery about the number of the troops now with you. When I telegraphed
you on the 6th saying you had over a hundred thousand with you, I had just
obtained from the Secretary of War, a statement, taken as he said, from your
own returns, making 108.000 then with you, and en route to you. You now
say you will have but 85.000 when all en route to you shall have reached
you. How can the discrepancy of 23.000 be accounted for?
As to Gen. Wool's
command, I understand it is doing for you precisely what a like number of your
own would have to do, if that command was away.
I suppose the whole
force which has gone forward for you, is with you by this time; and if so, I
think it is the precise time for you to strike a blow. By delay the enemy will
relatively gain upon you – that is, he will gain faster by fortifications
and reinforcements, than you can by re-inforcements alone.
And, once more let
me tell you, it is indispensable to you that you strike a blow. I am
powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember I always
insisted, that going down the Bay in search of a field, instead of fighting at
or near Manassas, was only shifting, and not surmounting, a difficulty – that
we would find the same enemy, and the same, or equal, entrenchments, at either
place. The country will not fail to note – is now noting – that the present
hesitation to move upon an entrenched enemy, is but the story of Manassas
repeated.
I beg to assure you
that I have never written you, or spoken to you, in greater kindness of feeling
than now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far as in my most anxious
judgment, I consistently can. But you must act.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
SOURCE: The Abraham Lincoln
Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
Labels:
Baltimore and Ohio RR,
Banks,
Blenker,
Edwin M. Stanton,
Edwin V Sumner,
Fortifications,
George B. McClellan,
Irvin McDowell,
John E Wool,
Joseph Hooker,
Lincoln,
Manassas Junction VA,
Potomac River,
Rappahannock River,
Reinforcements,
Richmond VA,
Troop Strength,
Washington DC
Sunday, September 24, 2017
Simon Cameron to Major-General John E. Wool, September 20, 1861
WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington,
September 20, 1861.
GENERAL: Your communications of the 17th* and 18th are
received. In regard to the letters sent or received by flags of truce, I would
suggest that for the present they be examined by volunteer officers whom you
might detail for that purpose. I would much prefer that this examination should
be made under the direction of the Post-Office Department, and will endeavor to
effect some arrangement that will relieve you from this labor.
I am also informed by the Adjutant-General that he has
already sent you two aides-de-camp. Ordnance officers are much needed, and for
this reason I cannot consent to the appointment of Lieutenant Harris as your
aide, unless it is absolutely necessary that you should have his services in
that capacity. I send herewith the appointment of William P. Jones as an aide,
in accordance with your recommendation. Captain Whipple has been assigned to
you as assistant adjutant-general.
The state prisoners now in your custody should be sent at
once to Fort Lafayette, New York Harbor. You will, as early as practicable,
send to General McClellan at this place all negro men capable of performing
labor, accompanied by their families. They can be usefully employed on the
military works in this vicinity.
Very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
SIMON
CAMERON,
Secretary of War.
____________________
* Not Found.
SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of
the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume
4 (Serial No. 4), p. 615
Thursday, July 27, 2017
Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, August 15, 1863
Certain persons in
Boston have an innate conviction that they can improve the administration of
the Navy Department. They are never united among themselves as to how this is
to be effected, but all are fond of criticism. They always claim that they
expected this thing would fail or that would succeed after the event occurred.
I must do them the justice to say, however, that with all their grumbling and
faultfinding they have generally given me a fair support. In special cases,
where I have been lectured, I have invariably found there was an axe to grind,
a purpose to be accomplished. Some one, or more, important personage has had
suggestions to make, and for a consideration — never omitting that — would
consent to help along the work of putting down the Rebellion. These have been
the captious ones.
A man by the name of
Weld has written a long letter to Governor Andrew. He wants the Governor to aid
the Navy Department by writing to the President to form a Naval Board in
Massachusetts, with authority to build vessels, fast steamers, such as
Massachusetts can build, steamers which will capture or destroy the Alabama,
and allow the Massachusetts Board to commission the officers. If there is no
appropriation, says good Mr. Weld, take the necessary funds from the Secret
Service money. Mr. Weld informs Governor Andrew he is ready to be employed.
Governor Andrew indorses over the letter. He also indorses Mr. Weld, who is, he
says, one of the most eminent shipbuilders in Massachusetts, and he (Governor
A.) is ready to cooperate with Mr. Weld in his patriotic suggestions, etc.,
etc., etc. This is Boston all over. I have had it from the beginning and
periodically. The Welds, etc., from the commencement of hostilities, have
prompted and promised almost anything, only requiring the Government to give
them power and foot the bills.
I had to-day a very
full and interesting account of the campaign and fall of Vicksburg from General
F. P. Blair, who has done good service in the field and in politics also. He
was a fearless pioneer in the great cause of the Union and breasted the storm
in stormy Missouri with a bold front. Of the factions and feuds in St. Louis I
pretend to no accurate knowledge, and am no partisan of or for either. Frank is
as bold in words as in deeds, fearless in his utterances as in his fights; is
uncalculating, — impolitic, it would be said, — rash, without doubt, but
sincere and patriotic to the core. I detect in his conversation to-day a
determination to free himself from personal and local complications, and if
possible to reconcile differences. It is honorable on his part, but I apprehend
he has materials to deal with that he cannot master.
G. W. Blunt came to
see me. Ridicules Barney and all the government officials in New York but
Wakeman. Says old General Wool made himself ridiculous in the mob difficulties.
Calls him a weak old man. If weak, it is from age, for there is no one more
patriotic. At eighty he was not the proper man to quell an outbreak. Blunt and
others are sore over the removal of General Harvey Brown. He is earnest to have
the draft go forward, but says it will be followed by incendiarism. It may be
so. Blunt is ardent, impulsive, earnest, and one-sided.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 404-6
Wednesday, June 28, 2017
Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard: November 12, 1862
Cincinnati, November 12, 1862.
Dear Uncle: —
Your letter, also the apples, came safely to hand. The apples were finer than
usual. The family are settled down with a girl that starts off well. The
elections don't worry me. They will, I hope, spur the Administration to more
vigor. The removal of McClellan and the trial of Buell and Fitz-John Porter,
the dismissal of Ford, and substituting Schenck for Wool, all look like life.
General Burnside may not have ability for so great a command, but he has
energy, boldness, and luck on his side. Rosecrans, too, is likely to drive
things. All this is more than compensation for the defeat of a gang of our demagogues
by the demagogues of the other side. As to the Democratic policy, it will be
warlike, notwithstanding Vallandigham and others. Governor Seymour has made a
speech in Utica since his election indicating this. Besides, that party
must be, in power, a war party.
I expect to return next week, middle or last of the
week. My arm does well, but is not of much use. If I find anything injurious or
difficult in campaigning, I will get assigned to some light duty for a few
months.
Sincerely,
R. B. Hayes.
S. BlRCHARD.
SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and
Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 363-4
Labels:
1862 Elections,
23rd OH INF,
Buell,
Burnside,
Elections,
Fitz-John Porter,
George B. McClellan,
Horatio Seymour,
John E Wool,
Robert C Schenk,
Rosecrans,
Rutherford B Hayes,
Vallandigham,
Wounds
Monday, June 26, 2017
Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, July 16, 1863
It is represented that the mob in New York is about subdued.
Why it was permitted to continue so long and commit such excess has not been
explained. Governor Seymour, whose partisans constituted the rioters, and whose
partisanship encouraged them, has been in New York talking namby-pamby. This
Sir Forcible Feeble is himself chiefly responsible for the outrage.
General Wool, unfitted by age for such duties, though
patriotic and well-disposed, has been continued in command there at a time when
a younger and more vigorous mind was required. In many respects General Butler
would at this time have best filled that position. As a municipal and police
officer he has audacity and certain other qualities in which most military men
are deficient, while as a general in the field he is likely to accomplish but little.
He, or any one else, would need martial law at such a time, and with such
element, in a crowded and disorderly city like New York. Chase tells me there
will probably be a change and that General Dix will succeed General Wool. The
selection is not a good one, but the influences that bring it about are
evident. Seward and Stanton have arranged it. Chase thinks McDowell should have
the position. He is as good, perhaps, as any of the army officers for this
mixed municipal military duty.
Lee's army has recrossed the Potomac, unmolested, carrying
off all its artillery and the property stolen in Pennsylvania. When I ask why
such an escape was permitted, I am told that the generals opposed an attack.
What generals? None are named. Meade is in command there; Halleck is
General-in-Chief here. They should be held responsible. There are generals who,
no doubt, will acquiesce without any regrets in having this war prolonged.
In this whole summer's campaign I have been unable to see,
hear, or obtain evidence of power, or will, or talent, or originality on the
part of General Halleck. He has suggested nothing, decided nothing, done
nothing but scold and smoke and scratch his elbows. Is it possible the energies
of the nation should be wasted by the incapacity of such a man?
John Rodgers of the Weehawken was here to-day. He is, I
think, getting from under the shadow of Du Pont's influence.
Mr. Hooper and Mr. Gooch have possessed themselves of the
belief — not a new one in that locality — that the Representatives of the Boston
and Charlestown districts are entitled to the custody, management, and keeping
of the Boston Navy Yard, and that all rules, regulations, and management of
that yard must be made to conform to certain party views of theirs and their
party friends.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30,
1864, p. 372-4
Labels:
Army of Northern Virginia,
Boston Navy Yard,
Butler,
Chase,
Edwin M. Stanton,
George G Meade,
Gideon Welles,
Halleck,
Horatio Seymour,
Irvin McDowell,
John A Dix,
John E Wool,
John Rodgers,
Martial Law,
New York City Draft Riot,
R E Lee,
Samuel F DuPont,
The Retreat From Gettysburg,
USS Weehawken,
William H. Seward
Wednesday, June 7, 2017
Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, June 27, 1863
A telegram last night informed me of the death of Admiral
Foote. The information of the last few days made it a not unexpected event, yet
there was a shock when it came. Foote and myself were schoolboys together at
Cheshire Academy under good old Dr. Bronson, and, though three or four years
younger than myself, we were pursuing some of the same studies, and there then
sprang up an attachment between us that never was broken. His profession
interrupted our intimacy, but at long intervals we occasionally met, and the
recollection of youthful friendship made these meetings pleasant.
When I was called to take the administration of the Navy
Department, he was Executive Officer at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, and wrote me of
the pleasure my appointment gave him. He soon visited Washington, when I
consulted with him and procured in friendly confidence his estimate of various
officers. This was before the affair of Sumter, and, like many others, he
shortly after expressed a sad disappointment in regard to some he had
commended. In fitting out in those early days the expeditions to Fort Sumter
and Fort Pickens he exhibited that energy and activity which more fully
displayed itself the following autumn and winter in creating and fighting the
Mississippi Flotilla. His health became there impaired and his constitution was
probably undermined before he took charge of the Bureau of Equipment and
Recruiting. Our intercourse here was pleasant. His judgment in the main good,
his intentions pure, and his conduct correct, manly, and firm. Towards me he
exhibited a deference that was to me, who wished a revival and continuance of
the friendly and social intimacy of earlier years, often painful. But the
discipline of the sailor would not permit him to do differently, and when I
once or twice spoke of it, he insisted it was proper, and said it was a
sentiment which he felt even in our schoolday intercourse and friendship.
Shortly after the demonstration of Du Pont at Charleston,
when I think Foote's disappointment was greater than my own, he tendered his
services for any duty afloat. Some premonition of the disease which ended his
life was then upon him, and made him believe more active employment than the
Bureau afforded would conduce to his physical benefit. His wife, after he had
once or twice alluded to the subject, which she did not favor, gave her consent
that he should go wherever ordered, except to the Mississippi. Foote expressed
regret that she should have made any exception.
He did not wish to supplant Du Pont, whom he admired, or
take any part against that officer. He was not unaware, however, that the
Department and the public would turn to him as the successor of the hero of
Port Royal, should there be a change of commanders. I was desirous that both he
and Dahlgren should go to that squadron, and it was finally so arranged, but
Providence has ordered differently. I have been disappointed. Foote had a name
and prestige which would have carried him into the place assigned him on the
tide of popular favor, whatever might have been the intrigues and assaults on
one or both of us from any quarter.
General Wool, Governor Morgan, and Mayor Opdyke make a
combined effort to retain the Roanoke at New York, and write me most earnestly on
the subject. The idea that New York is in danger is an absurdity, and, with a
naval force always at the navy yard and in the harbor, and with forts and
military force, is such a remote contingency that the most timid lady need not
be, and is not, alarmed. Morgan and Opdyke, Governor and Mayor, have
responsibilities that are perhaps excusable, but not General Wool, who feeds on
panic and fosters excitement. It is made the duty of the military at all times
to defend New York. The Army is sensitive of Navy interference in this
specialty, but the Navy will render incidental aid, do all that is necessary;
but the Army assumes the guardianship of the ports as the exclusive province of
the military, independent of the Navy.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30,
1864, p. 345-7
Thursday, May 4, 2017
Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Thursday, September 4, 1862
A cheerful bright morning and a sound sleep dispels the
gloom resting on my views of the future. During the night a courier came to my
tent saying that two thousand of our wounded are in the hands of the enemy and
are starving! The enemy is in bad condition for food.
Siege guns were put in the fort on our right (Ramsay) during
the night; the preparations are advancing which will enable us to hold this
post and “save Washington.”
10 A. M. — The rumor is that the enemy is directing his
course up the Potomac, intending to cross into Maryland. We now hear cannon at
a great distance, in a northern direction.
About 4:30 P. M. the enemy began to fire at our cavalry
picket, about three miles out. Waggoners rolled in, horsemen ditto, in great
haste. The regiments of General Cox's Division were soon ready, not one-fourth
or one-third absent, or hiding, or falling to the rear as seems to be the habit
in this Potomac army, but all, all fell in at once; the Eleventh, Twelfth,
Twenty-third, Twenty-eighth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-sixth Ohio can be counted
on. After skedaddling the regiment of cavalry, who marched out so grandly a few
hours before, the firing of the enemy ceased. A quiet night followed.
Cincinnati is now threatened by an army which defeated our
raw troops at Richmond, Kentucky. Everywhere the enemy is crowding us.
Everywhere they are to be met by our raw troops, the veterans being in
the enemy's country too distant to be helpful. A queer turning the tables on
us! And yet if they fail of getting any permanent and substantial advantatge of
us, I think the recoil will be fatal to them. I think in delaying this movement
until our new levies are almost ready for the field, they have let the golden
opportunity slip; that they will be able to annoy and harass but not to injure
us; and that the reaction will push them further back than ever. We shall see!
A rumor of a repulse of the enemy at Harpers Ferry by Wool. Hope it is true!
SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and
Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 342-3
Labels:
11th OH INF,
12th OH INF,
23rd OH INF,
28th OH INF,
30th OH INF,
36th OH INF,
Antietam Campaign,
Cincinnati OH,
Harper's Ferry,
John E Wool,
Pickets,
Potomac River,
Richmond KY,
Rumors,
Rutherford B Hayes,
Siege Guns,
Starvation,
The Wounded,
Washington DC,
Weather
Tuesday, December 20, 2016
Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Abraham Lincoln, November 9, 1861
PRIVATE.
H’d Q’rs Dep't of
New England, BosTON, Nov.
9th, 1861
MY DEAR SIR: Gen. Wool has resigned. Gen. Fremont must. Gen.
Scott has retired.
I have an ambition, and I trust a laudable one, to be Major
General of the United States Army. Has any body done more to deserve it? No one
will do more. May I rely upon you as you have confidence in me to take this
matter into consideration?
I will not disgrace the position. I may fail in its duties.
Truly Yours,
BENJ. F. BUTLER
P.S. I have made the same suggestion to other of my friends.
B. F. B.
SOURCES: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and
Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the
Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 274; Clara B. Hay, Letters
of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 51; Tyler Dennett, Lincoln
and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 33-4.
Saturday, December 17, 2016
Diary of John Hay: November 8, 1861
Here is a cheeky letter just received.
MY DEAR SIR:
Gen'l Wool has resigned. Gen'l Frémont must. Gen'l Scott has retired.
I have an ambition, and I trust a laudable one, to be
Major-General of the United States Army.
Has anybody done more to deserve it? No one will do more.
May I rely upon you, as you may have confidence in me, to take this matter into
consideration?
I will not disgrace the position. I may fail in its duties.
Truly
yrs.,
BENJ.
F. BUTLER.
The President.
P. S. — I have made the same suggestion to others of my
friends.
SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and
Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 51; Tyler Dennett, Lincoln and
the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 33-4; Jessie Ames Marshall,
Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler
During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p.
274.
Tuesday, September 20, 2016
Congressman Galusha A. Grow to Simon Cameron, May 5, 1861
GLENWOOD, May 5,
1861.
Hon. S. CAMERON:
MY DEAR SIR: Reached home last night by way of New York. You
have no conception of the depth of feeling universal in the Northern mind for
the prosecution of this war until the flag floats from every spot on which it
had a right to float a year ago. If the Administration fails to prosecute the
war to that end, it will sink in the popular heart below that of Buchanan.
There is but one feeling with all classes, parties, and sects – that the rebels
must be made to lay down their arms everywhere, the traitors hung, and the
union of the States restored before this contest closes. There is great
dissatisfaction in New York at the ordering of Wool back to Troy, instead of
acknowledging his services at a very critical point of time when all
communication with Washington was cut off. For four or five days they heard
nothing from Washington, and no one received any orders. If you could devise
some way to have all that offer received, to remain, however, in the States
till they are called for. The men who have left their business cannot wait long
without pay from some source. In my judgment the enthusiasm of the hour ought
not to be repressed by flat refusals on the part of the Government, but let
them be held in readiness (in some way) in the States. The people in New York
and the cities are very impatient for Baltimore to be opened, and on the rumor
that the Government would not invade Virginia they were perfectly indignant,
and I wish to say to you that if the Government adopts that policy there will
be a universal execration go up from the North, and you will be as powerless in
thirty days as you are now powerful. I saw many of the solid men in New York,
and they have embarked their all in this contest, provided the Administration
will prosecute it to the bitter end, if need be, to quell insurrection and hang
traitors, so that no madcaps will ever try the experiment again.
I beg your pardon for trespassing so long on your attention.
My object was briefly to assure you that any measures the most efficient, no
matter what the cost, in prosecuting this war would be most satisfactory, if it
has for its object the foregoing results. I give you this state of public
feeling, for I am anxious that you should meet its expectation, as I
confidently believe you will.
Most truly, yours,
GALUSHA A. GROW.
SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of
the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III,
Volume 1 (Serial No. 122), p. 160
Sunday, July 5, 2015
Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Tuesday, September 16, 1862
Bannister at Breakfast. Went to Department, and from
Department with Deputation of Friends from Mt. Pleasant, O., and Wilmington, Del.,
to the President and introduced them. Asked for Bishop McIlvain, the
appointment of Revd. Mr. Telford as chaplain at Camp Chase — which the
President directed.
Went to Navy Department and advised Expedition up the James
River; and said if Gen. Wool or other good General could be sent I would go
myself as Volunter Aid. Mr. Welles seemed pleased with the idea; and said the “Ironsides”
and “Passaic” would be ready by the time troops could be, and might take
Richmond as preliminary to Charleston. — Spoke to the Secretary of Commodore
Barbheads remark to Harrington, that the Government ought to be superseded by
McClellan. — Went to War Department. Surrender of Harpers Ferry is confirmed.
McClellan's victory of Sunday was probably over the rear of Longstreet's Division,
which made a stand.
Weed called with Morgan, who wished to enquire about Texas
Bonds issued under authority of the Rebel Government. Told him they would not
be recognized and promised him copies of papers relating to the subject, from
files and records of the Department. Told Weed that we must have decided action
and that he could ensure it. Was going to Meeting of Heads of Departments not
to Cabinet. Went over to White House. Met Seward, who said the President was
busy with Gen. Halleck and there would be no meeting.
Returned to Department. Rode out to Sigel's Camp, by way of
Chain Bridge, with Harrington and Dr. Schmidt. Saw Sigel and Schurz. They want
to have corps organized for operations in the field. Sigel said scouts returned
from Drainesville report large rebel force at Leesburgh.
Home to late dinner. — Harrington with me. Sent message to
War Department for news.
SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 84-5
Labels:
Battle of South Mountain,
Camp Chase,
Carl Schurz,
Chaplains,
Charleston SC,
Chase,
George B. McClellan,
Halleck,
Harper's Ferry,
James River,
John E Wool,
Leesburg VA,
Lincoln,
Richmond VA,
Sigel,
Thurlow Weed,
USS Ironsides,
USS Passaic,
William H. Seward
Friday, February 20, 2015
Diary of Judith W. McGuire: January 20, 1862
Westwood, Hanover
County. — I pass over the sad leave-taking of our kind friends in Clarke
and Winchester. It was very sad, because we knew not when and under what
circumstances we might meet again. We left Winchester, in the stage, for
Strasburg at ten o'clock at night, on the 24th of December. The weather was
bitter cold, and we congratulated ourselves that the stage was not crowded. Mr.
–––– and the girls were on the back seat, a Methodist clergyman, a soldier, and
myself on the middle, and two soldiers and our maid Betsey on the front seat.
We went off by starlight, with every prospect of a pleasant drive of eighteen
miles. As we were leaving the suburbs of the town, the driver drew up before a
small house, from which issued two women with a baby, two baskets, several
bundles, and a box. The passengers began to shout out, “Go on, driver; what do
you mean? there's no room for another; go on.” The driver made no answer, but
the women came to the stage-door, and began to put in their bundles; the
gentlemen protested that they could not get in—there was no room. The woman
with the baby said she would get in; she was “agwine to Strasburg to
spend Christmas with her relations, whar she was born and raised, and whar she
had not been for ten year, and nobody had a better right to the stage than she
had, and she was agwine, and Kitty Grim was agwine too — she's my sister-law;
and so is baby, 'cause baby never did see her relations in Strasburg in her
life. So, Uncle Ben!” she exclaimed to the driver, “take my bag, basket, and
box by yon, and me and Kitty and baby, and the bundles and the little basket,
will go inside.” All this was said amidst violent protestations from the men
within: “You can't get in; driver, go on.” But suiting the action to the word,
she opened the door, calling, “Come, Kitty,” got on the step, and thrust her
head in, saying: “If these gentlemen is gentlemen, and has got any politeness,
they will git out and set with Uncle Ben, and let ladies come inside.” A pause
ensued. At last a subdued tone from the soldier on the middle seat was heard to
say: “Madam, if you will get off the step, I will get out.” “Very well, sir;
and why didn't you do that at first? And now,” said she, looking at a man on
the front seat, "there's another seat by Uncle Ben; sposen you git out and
let Kitty Grim have your seat; she's bound to go.” The poor man quietly got
out, without saying a word, but the very expression of his back, as he got out
of the stage, was subdued. “Now, Kitty, git in, and bring the little basket and
them two bundles; they won't pester the lady much." The door was closed,
and then, the scene being over, the passengers shouted with laughter.
Our heroine remained perfectly passive until we got to the
picket-post, a mile from town. The driver stopped; a soldier came up for
passports. She was thunder-struck. "Passes! Passes for white folks! I
never heard of such a thing. I ain't
got no pass; nuther is Kitty Grim.” I suggested to her to keep quiet, as the
best policy. Just at that time a Tennessee soldier had to confess that he had
forgotten to get a passport. “You can't go on,” said the official; and the
soldier got out. Presently the woman's turn came. “Madam, your passport, if you
please.” “I ain't got none; nuther is Kitty Grim (that's my sister-inlaw); we
ain't agwine to git out nuther, 'cause we's gwine to Strasburg to spend
Christmas with my relations, and I ain't been thar for ten year, and I never
heard of white folks having passes.” “But, madam,” began the official “You needn't
to ‘but, madam,’ me, ‘cause I ain't agwine to git out, and I'd like to see the
man what would put me out. This is a free country, and I'se agwine to Strasburg
this night; so you might as well take your lantern out of my face.” “But,
madam, my orders,” began the picket. “Don't tell me nothing 'bout orders; I
don't care nothing 'bout orders; and you needn't think, 'cause the Tennessee
man got out, that I'se agwine to git out — 'cause I ain't. Ain't I got three
sons in the army, great sight bigger than you is? and they fit at Manassas, and
they ain't no cowards, nuther is their mother; and I ain't agwine to git out of
this stage this night, but I'm gwine to Strasburg, whar I was born and raised.”
The poor man looked non-plussed, but yet another effort; he
began, “My dear madam.” “I ain't none of your dear madam; I'se just a free
white woman, and so is Kitty Grim, and we ain't no niggers to git passes, and
I'se gwine 'long this pike to Strasburg. Now I'se done talking.” With this she
settled herself on the seat, and leant back with a most determined air; and the
discomfited man shut the door amid peals of laughter from within and from
without. In a few minutes we were quiet again, and all began to settle
themselves for sleep, when the silence was broken by our heroine: “Kitty, is
you sick?” “No,” said Kitty. “Well, it is a wonder. Gentlemen, can't one of you
take Kitty's seat, and give her yourn? she gits monstrous sick when she is
ariding with her back to the horses." There was a deathlike silence, and
my cariosity was aroused to know how she would manage that point. After a few
moments she began again. “Kitty, is you sick?” “No,” says Kitty, “not
yit.” “Well, I do wish one of you gentlemen would give Kitty his seat.” Still
no reply. All was becoming quiet again, when she raised her voice: “Kitty Grim,
is you sick?” “Yes,” said Kitty, “just a little.” “I knowed it; I
knowed she was sick; and when Kitty Grim gits sick, she most in gineral
flings up!” The
effect was electric. “My dear madam,” exclaimed both gentlemen at once, “take
my seat; by all means take my seat.” The Methodist clergyman being nearest,
gave up his seat and took hers. The change was soon effected amidst the most
uproarious laughter, all feeling that they were fairly out-generalled the third
time. From that time until we reached Strasburg, at two o'clock, she kept up a
stream of talk, addressed to the baby, never interrupted except once, when the
quiet-looking soldier on the front seat ventured to say, “Madam, do you never
sleep?” “Never when I'm a-travelling,” was the curt reply; and she talked on to
the baby: “Look at all them mules — what a sight of fodder they must eat! The
Yankees come down to fight us, 'cause we'se got niggers and they ain't got
none. I wish there warn't no niggers. I hate Yankees, and I hate niggers too,”
etc., until we got to Strasburg. She then called out to “Uncle Ben” not to
carry her to the depot — she was “agwine to her uncle's.” “Whar's that?” cried
Uncle Ben. “I don't know, but monstrous nigh a tailor's.” One of the passengers
suggested that we might be left by the cars, and had better go on to the depot.
But she objected, and we had become a singularly non-resisting company, and
allowed her to take — what we knew she would have — her own way.
In the mean time the cars arrived, crowded with soldiers. It
was very dark and cold; the confusion and noise were excessive — shouting,
hallooing, hurrahing. We passed through the dense crowd, and into the cars,
with some difficulty. Mr. —— returned to look for the baggage. At last all
seemed ready, and off we went; but what was our horror to find that Mr. —— was
not in the cars! All the stories that we had ever heard of persons being thrown
from the train as they attempted to get on, arose to our imagination. The
darkness and crowd were great. Might he not have been thrown from the platform?
We became more and more uneasy. The conductor came by; I questioned him,
thinking he might be in another car. He replied, “No, madam, there is no such
gentleman on the train.” At this moment the Methodist minister, who had been in
the stage, introduced himself as the Rev. Mr. Jones; he knew Mr. ——; he offered
me his purse and his protection. I can never forget his kindness. He thought
Mr. —— had not attempted to get on the train; there was so much baggage from
the stage that there was some difficulty in arranging it ; he would telegraph
from Manassas when we stopped to change cars, and the answer would meet us at
Culpeper Court-House. All this was a great relief to us. At Manassas he
attended to our baggage; one piece was wanting — a box, which Mr. J. had seen
in Mr. ——'s hands, just before the train
set off; he seemed convinced that Mr. —— was detained by an ineffectual effort
to get that box on the car. At Culpeper Court-House we found J. waiting for us
at the depot. Our kind and Rev. friend did not give up his supervision of us
until he saw us under J's care. We immediately applied at the office for our
expected telegram; but it was not there. As it was Christmas-day, the office
was closed at a very early hour, which seemed to me a strange arrangement,
considering the state of the country. J. felt no uneasiness about his father,
but was greatly disappointed, as he had expected to pass that day with him. I
had heard in Winchester that my nephew, W. B. Phelps, had been wounded in the
unfortunate fight at Dranesville, and felt great uneasiness about him; but J.
had seen persons directly from Centreville, who reported him slightly wounded.
This relieved my mind, but it was most unfortunate; for, had I known the truth,
I should have gone on the return train to Manassas, and thence to Centreville,
for the purpose of nursing him. We spent Christmas-day at the hotel, and dined
with a number of soldiers. In the afternoon we were very much gratified to meet
with the family of our neighbour, Captain J. The Captain is stationed here, and
the ladies have made themselves very comfortable. We took tea with them, and talked
over our mutual troubles: our lost homes — our scattered families and friends.
The next morning the train came at the usual hour, bringing Mr. –––. Some
difficulty in putting a small box of books on the car had caused a slight
detention, and as he was almost in the act of stepping on board, the train
moved off, and there he was, left in the dead of a winter's night, without
shelter, (for, strange to say, there is no stationhouse at Strasburg,) without
light, and with no one to whom he could apply for assistance. He walked back to
the village, and there, to use his own expression, he “verily thought he should
have to spend the freezing night in the street.” At a number of houses he
knocked loud and long, but not a door was opened to him. At last a young man in
an office, after giving scrutinizing glances through the window, opened his
door and gave him a chair by his fire, assigning as a reason for the difficulty
in getting accommodations, that the number of disorderly soldiers passing
through the village made it dangerous to open the houses during the night. At
daybreak he got on a freight train, hoping to find at Manassas the means of
getting to Culpeper Court-House that night. In this he was disappointed, and
had a most unpleasant trip on the train, which did not reach Manassas until
sunset. There he found no place to sleep, and nothing to eat, until a colonel,
whose name he unfortunately has forgotten, invited him to his quarters in the
country. He accepted the invitation most gladly, and as it was very dark, he
took a servant as a guide, who proved to know no more about the way than he
did; so that both blundered and stumbled along a muddy lane, over fences,
through a corn-field, over the stalks and corn-beds, until, by what seemed a
mere accident, they came upon the longed-for house and found rest for the
night. Next morning we joined him on the train, delighted to see him safe and
sound, feeling that “all's well that ends well;” we proceeded pleasantly on our
journey. J. accompanied us as far as Gordonsville, that he might have two hours
with his father. That evening we reached this place after dark, and found a
house full of friends and relatives — the house at S. H. also full — so that it
was a real family gathering, as in days of yore; and to add to our pleasure,
our dear W. B. N. was at home on furlough. Here we see nothing of war, except
the uniform of the furloughed soldiers and the retrenchment in the style of
living. Desserts and wine are abolished; all superfluities must go to the
soldiers. In some respects we are beginning to feel the blockade; groceries are
becoming scarce and high in price, but the ladies are becoming wonderfully
ingenious — coffee is so judiciously blended with parched corn, wheat or rye,
that you scarcely detect the adulteration. The dressy Southern girls are giving
up their handsome bonnets, wrappings, and silk dresses; they are perfectly
willing to give up what once they considered absolutely necessary to their
wardrobes. They say they do not enjoy such things now; they are, however, bright
and cheerful; they sing patriotic songs to their furloughed friends, and listen
with undying interest to anecdotes of the battle-field, with tears for the
fallen, sympathy for the wounded, and the most enthusiastic admiration for
deeds of daring, or for the patient endurance of the soldier. It is delightful
to see the unanimity of feeling, the oneness of heart, which pervades Virginia
at this time; and we believe it is so throughout the South.
We were, however, soon saddened by a letter from Centreville,
from a comrade of our dear Willie Phelps to my brother, saying that the wound
was more severe than it was at first supposed. He immediately set out for
Centreville, but none of us dreamed of real danger. The reports came from him
less and less favourable; I wanted to go to him, but the letters were
discouraging to me— “There was no room for me; ladies would be in the way in so
small a hospital;” and some strange hallucination and blindness to danger led
us to abandon the idea of going to him. We knew that he had lost his arm, but
did not dream of danger to his life. His mother, at her home in Covington,
Kentucky, saw his name among the wounded, and notwithstanding the cold and ice,
set off alone — came through Pittsburg and to Baltimore without difficulty,
thence to Washington; but there no passport could be obtained to come to Virginia.
Her son was but twenty miles off, certainly wounded; she knew no more. She
applied in person to the proper authorities: “Is your son in the rebel camp?”
was asked. “Then no passport can be given you to visit him.” She remembered
that General McClellan (who had been a friend in the old army of her
son-in-law, General Mcintosh) was in the city. She drove to his house. Mrs.
McClellan expressed great sympathy for her, and for “your son, the interesting
young man I met with in Cincinnati,” but regretted that General McClellan was
too ill to be spoken to on any subject; he was under the influence of anodynes,
etc, etc. She then drove to the house of Mr. Chase, who had been for many years
at the bar with her husband, and on most friendly terms. The servant replied
pompously that Mr. Chase never saw company at that hour. She then sent for Miss
C. The daughter very politely regretted that her father could not be seen until
the next day at ten. She could do nothing but return to the hotel for another
night of suspense. Next morning, in passing through the parlours, she
encountered a lady from her own State, who greeted her pleasantly; she was
preparing to entertain her friends — it was New Year's day. “Won't you be with
us, Mrs. P.? You may meet some old friends.” An apology for declining the
invitation was given, by a simple statement of her object in coming to
Washington. “Where is your son?” “In the Southern army." “Oh,” she exclaimed,
“not in the rebel camp! Not a rebel!” and she curled her loyal lip in scorn. “Yes,”
was the quiet reply, “he is what you call a rebel; but it is the honoured name
which Washington bore;” and with a spirit not soothed by her countrywoman, she
passed on to the street, got into a carriage, and proceeded to the house of Mr.
Chase. It was ten o'clock — surely there could be no obstacle now. He soon
entered — she introduced herself and her subject. Mr. C. was polite, but
professed to be able to do nothing for her: “I am not the proper person to whom
such an application should be made.” “I know that; but to whom shall I apply?”
He said, “He did not know how to advise her; the case was a difficult one; your
son is in the rebel camp; I think that you cannot get a passport.” She then, in
a state of despair, exclaimed, “Oh, Mr. Chase, he is the son of your old
acquaintance, Mr. ——!” He was at once touched. “Are you his widow?” “Yes.” “But how came your son to join
the rebels?” “Because his father and myself were both Virginians; he was
educated in Virginia, and his whole heart is in the Southern cause.” He
immediately wrote a note to Mr. Seward, which he advised her to deliver in
person; it would probably produce the desired effect. To Mr. Seward's she
drove. The servant invited her in, but supposed that the Secretary could not
attend to business, as it was New Year's day. The note was sent up; an attache
soon came down to say that the Secretary could not be seen, but that a
passport would be given her, to go at least as far as Fortress Monroe — no
passport could be given to go immediately to Centreville. She was thankful for
this permission; but it seemed too hard that she should be obliged to go around
hundreds of miles, when the object could be accomplished by going twenty.
She took the evening train to Baltimore, thence, next
morning, to Fortress Monroe; she reached it in safety that evening. The boat
was visited by a provost-marshal as soon as it touched the wharf, who, after
examining passports, took hers, and some others, to General Wool. An answer
from this high officer was long delayed, but at last it was brought. She could
not land, but must return in the boat to Baltimore; it would leave for
Baltimore next morning. She poured out her griefs to the officer, who,
sympathizing with her story, said he would again apply to General Wool. He soon
returned to say that she might land, and her case would be examined into next
morning. Next day she was requested to walk into General Wool's office. He
asked why she wanted to go to Virginia. The story was soon told. Then the
stereotyped question: “Is your son in the rebel army?” with the usual answer. “Then,”
he replied, “you cannot go.” Despair took possession of her soul. She forgot
her own situation, and, with the eloquence of a mother, almost frantic with
anxiety, she pleaded her cause. Even the obdurate heart of General Wool was
moved. He asked her what she knew of the army at Washington She replied, that
she knew nothing; she had only seen the soldiers who passed her on the street. “What
have you seen of our army here?” “Nothing, for I have been too unhappy to think
of it, and only left my room when summoned by you.” “Then,” said he, “you may take
the first boat to Norfolk.” The hour for the departure of the boat came, her
trunk was duly searched, and she came off to the dearly-loved Confederacy. She
reached Norfolk too late for the cars, and had to wait until next day. On
reaching Richmond, she heard that her son had been brought to this place, and
was doing well. The next evening she arrived here in a carriage, and was
shocked and disappointed to find that she had been misinformed. Heavy tidings
reached us that night: he was not improving, as we had hoped, but decidedly
worse. At two o'clock in the morning I accompanied her to the depot, eight
miles off, and we went on to Manassas; reached the junction after night, and
were met by our brother and W. B. N. They knew that we would be in the cars,
and came to meet us. As they approached us, I saw, by the dim light of the
carlamp, that their countenances were sad. My heart sunk within me. What could
it be? Why had they both left him? She had not seen them, and said to
me, “Come, we must get an ambulance and go to Centreville to-night.” But in
another moment the whole was told. Her child had died that morning, just ten
hours before. Who can describe that night of horrors? We spent it in a small
house near the depot. Friends and near kindred were full of sympathy, and the
people in whose house we were, were kind and considerate. The captain of his
company, a noble young friend from her own home, Covington, came to see her,
and to condole with her; but her first-born was not — the darling of her heart
had passed away! At daylight we were in the cars again, on our melancholy
return. On the third day his dear remains were brought to us, and the mother
saw her heroic son, in his plain soldier's coffin, but beautiful in death,
committed to God's own earth, having fallen in a glorious cause, in the faith
of the Gospel, and with a bright hope of a blessed immortality. The young
Kentucky friend who accompanied his remains told her his last words, which were
a wonderful consolation to her: “Tell my mother that I die in the faith of
Christ; her early instructions have been greatly blessed to me; and my last
word is, Mother." This was said in extreme weakness. He soon slept, and
never awoke in this world. One young soldier said to me that night, at
Manassas: “He was one of the bravest men I ever saw, and met death like a
soldier.” Another said: “He died like a Christian.” Scarcely had we buried him,
when news was brought us that her younger, now her only son, was desperately
ill on the steamer “Jamestown,” on James River — he belongs to our navy. She
hurried to Richmond, and thence down the river to the steamer, but found him
better. He was soon well enough to accompany her to this place. She had left
her home suddenly, and must return to it; so, after a few days with her boy,
who is now decidedly convalescent, she has left him in our care, and has set
off on her weary way home. She will probably meet with no difficulties on her
return, from officials, as she has passports through our lines; but she has a
lonely, dreary way before her, and a sorrowful story for her young daughter at
home. God be with her!
SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern
Refugee, During the War, p. 75-87
Labels:
Battle of Dranesville,
Blockade,
Chase,
Dranesville VA,
Fort Monroe,
Furlough,
George B. McClellan,
James M McIntosh,
Jefferson Phelps,
John E Wool,
Judith W McGuire,
Kate Chase,
Mary Ellen Marcy McClellan,
Nigger(s),
Passes,
Trains,
Weather,
William H. Seward,
Wm B Newton,
Wm B Phelps
Thursday, July 17, 2014
Diary of Charles H. Lynch: Sunday, August 24, 1862
It was after eight o'clock last night before the train got
under way. At midnight we passed through Harrisburg, Penn. The night very dark.
Did not get much sleep. A slow, tiresome journey. Passed through York, on over
the state line into Maryland. Soldiers are on guard along the railroad. The
train moved along very slowly, making many stops. About noon-time arrived in
Baltimore. The regiment soon formed in line and marched through the city,
stopping at the Soldier's Rest on Camden Street, where dinner was served,
bread, salt-beef, and coffee. Then waited for transportation to Washington.
Late in the day orders were received to report at Fort McHenry for duty, and
relieve the 48th New York Regiment. A march of four miles. That put our
regiment in the 8th Army Corps, Army of the Potomac, General John E. Wool,
Commander, Brigadier N. W. Morris, commanding the fort.
SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary,
1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 8
Sunday, March 9, 2014
Abraham Lincoln to Major General George B. McClellan, June 1, 1862 – 9:30
WASHINGTON CITY,
D.C.,
June 1, 1862
– 9.30.
Major-General McCLELLAN:
You are probably engaged with the enemy. I suppose he made
the attack. Stand well on your guard, hold all your ground, or yield any only
inch by inch and in good order. This morning we merge General Wool's department
into yours, giving you command of the whole, and sending General Dix to Fort
Monroe and General Wool to Fort McHenry. We also send General Sigel to report
to you for duty.
A. LINCOLN.
SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of
the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume
11, Part 3 (Serial No. 14), p. 205
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