Showing posts with label Manumission. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Manumission. Show all posts

Saturday, March 26, 2022

The Darien [Georgia] Resolutions, January 18, 1775

IN THE DARIEN COMMITTEE,        
Thursday, January 18, 1775.

When the most valuable privileges of a people are invaded, not only by open violence, but by every kind of fraud, sophistry, and cunning, it behooves very individual to be on his guard, and every member of society, like beacons in a country surrounded by enemies, to give the alarm, not only when their liberties in general are attacked, but separately, lest a precedent in one may affect the whole; and to enable the collective wisdom of such people to judge of its consequences, and how far their respective grievances concern all, or should be opposed, to preserve their necessary union.

Every laudable attempt of this kind by the good people of this Colony, in a Constitutional manner, hath been hitherto frustrated by the influence and authority of men in office, and their numerous dependents, and in every other natural and just way, by the various arts they have put in practice.

We, therefore, the representatives of the extensive district of Darien, in the Colony of Georgia, being now assembled in Congress by the authority and free choice of the inhabitants of the said district, now freed from their fetters, do resolve

First, That the unparalleled moderation, the decent, but firm and manly conduct of the loyal and brave people of Boston and Massachusetts Bay, to preserve their liberty, deserve not only the applause and thanks of all Americans, but also the imitation of all mankind. But to avoid needless repetition, we acquiesce and join in all the resolutions passed by the Grand American Congress in Philadelphia, last October. We thank them for their sage counsel and advice, and most heartily and cheerfully accede to the association entered into by them, as the wisest and most moderate measure that could be adopted in our present circumstances to reconcile and firmly unite Great Britain and the colonies, so indispensably necessary to each other, by the surest and best basis, mutual interest. But as the wisest counsels upon earth are liable to the errors of humanity, and notwithstanding our reverence and partiality for that august Assembly, we beg leave to differ from them in opinion, charging the unjust measures of the present and preceding ministry to a person qualified rather for a private than a public station; and as the resentment of his countrymen on a former occasion was raised by the illiberal and unjust abuse of them indiscriminately, for the faults of that man, we humbly presume the renewing it at this time, on so little foundation, at least impolitic, being confident that every member of that late wise, patriotic, and truly honourable Congress, from a principle of candour and justice, will rather commend than blame our honest and well-meant freedom.

Second, That in shutting up our land offices, with the intention of raising our quit-rents, and setting up our lands at public sale, representations of the Crown tract have not been duly considered and attended to in all its consequences to this vast continent; that it is a principal part of the unjust system of politics adopted by the present ministry to subject and enslave us, and evidently proceeds from an ungenerous jealousy of the colonies, to prevent as much as possible the population of America, and the relief of the poor and distressed in Great Britain, and elsewhere, for whom a kind Providence has opened a new world from the merciless oppressors, when the old is overcome with such monsters.

That monopolizing our lands into few hands, is forming and encouraging petty tyrants to lord it over us, or to reside in any other part of the world in extravagance, luxury, and folly, by the fruit of our labour and industry. Such oppressors neither we nor our fathers were able to bear, and it drove us to the wilderness, and that all encouragement should be given to the poor of every nation by every generous American.

Third, That ministerial mandates, under the name of instructions, preventing the legal representatives of the people to enact laws suiting their own respective situations and circumstances, are a general grievance, and more especially to this young colony, where our internal police is not yet well settled; and as a proof of the intention of these restrictions, when time and opportunity offer, we point out particularly, amongst many others of like nature, the not suffering us to limit the term of our Assembly, or passing a quit-rent law to ascertain and fix the most valuable part of our property.

Fourth, That an over proportion of officers for the number of inhabitants, and paying the salaries from Britain, so much cast up to us by Court parasites, and for which we are so often charged with ingratitude, are, in truth, real and great grievances, rendering them insolent and regardless of their conduct, being independent of the people, who should support them according to their usefulness and behaviour, and for whose benefit and conveniency alone they were originally intended. That besides these exorbitant salaries, which enable them all to act by deputies, whilst they wallow in luxury themselves, their combining to raise their exorbitant and illegal fees and perquisites by various acts upon the subject to an alarming height, are more dangerous to our liberties than a regular army, having the means of corruption so much in their power, the danger of which is exemplified in the present unhappy state of our brethren and fellow-subjects in Great Britain. To prevent, therefore, as much as in us lies, these direful effects, we do resolve never to choose any person in public office, his deputy, deputies, or any expectant, to represent us in Assembly, or in any other public place in our election, hoping the example will be followed throughout this colony, and in all America.

Fifth. To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or interested motives, but a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural practice of slavery in America (however the uncultivated state of our country, or other specious arguments may plead for it)—a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties (as well as lives), debasing part of our fellow-creatures below men, and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest; and is laying the basis of that liberty we contend for (and which we pray the Almighty to continue to the latest posterity) upon a very wrong foundation. We therefore resolve at al times to use our utmost endeavors for the manumission of our slaves in this Colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing for the masters and themselves.

Sixth, That we do hereby choose Messrs. to represent us for this district in the Provincial Congress at Savannah, the 18th instant, or at any other time and place appointed hereafter, for the space of one year from this day, and that a copy of these resolutions be given them, as expressing the sense of this district of public grievances, which will serve for their direction and instructions; and it is further our desire that our said deputies shall use their endeavours to send two delegates to the General Continental Congress, to be held at Philadelphia next May.

ASSOCIATION.

Being persuaded that the salvation of the rights and liberties of America depend, under God, on the firm union of the inhabitants in its vigorous prosecution of the measures necessary for its safety, and convinced of the necessity of preventing the anarchy and confusion which attend the dissolution of the powers of governments, we, the freemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of the Province of Georgia, being greatly alarmed at the avowed design of the Ministry to raise à revenue in America, and shocked by the bloody scene now acting in the Massachusetts Bay, do in the most solemn manner resolve never to become slaves, and do associate, under all the ties of religion, honor, and love of country, to adopt and endeavor to carry into execution whatever may be recommended by the Continental Congress or resolved upon by our Provincial Convention that shall be appointed for the purpose of preserving our Constitution, and opposing the execution of the several arbitrary and oppressive acts of the British Parliament, until a reconciliation between Great Britain and America on Constitutional principles, which we most ardently desire, can be obtained; and that we will in all things follow the advice of our General Committee to be appointed, respecting the purposes aforesaid-the preservation of peace and good order and the safety of individuals and private property.

Signed by
Lach’n Mcintosh,
Geo. Threadcraft,
Charles Mcdonald,
John Mcintosh,
Raymond Demere,
Jiles Moore,
Samuel Mocleland,
Richard Cooper,
Seth Mocollugh,
Isaac Hall,
Thomas King,
John Roland,
P. Shuttleworth,
Josep. Slobe,
James Newson,
A. D. Cuthbert,
John Hall,
Jno. Mccullugh, Sen.,
Peter Sallers, Jun.,
James Clark,
Jno. Witherspoon, Jun'r,
Jno. Witherspoon,
Jno. Fulton,
Samuel Fulton,
Isaao Cuthbert,
Jno. Mccolluga, Jun'r,
Wm. Mccollugh,
R. Shuttleworth,
John Mccleland,

SOURCES: George White, Historical Collections of Georgia, p.554-6; Daniel Reaves Goodloe, The Birth of the Republic, p. 340-2; Peter Force, American Archives: Fourth Series, Volume 1, p. 1135-7

Monday, August 17, 2020

Robert G. Harper to Elias B. Caldwell, August 20, 1817

BALTIMORE, August 20, 1817.

DEAR SIR: Ever since I received your letter of July 11, requesting the communication of such ideas as had occurred to me concerning the proposed plan of colonizing the free blacks in the United States, with their own consent, and indeed from the time of our short interview at Washington, when you first mentioned the subject to me, I have kept it constantly in view, and revolved it much in my mind. Hitherto, however, I have been prevented from putting my thoughts on paper, or even digesting and reducing them to method, by various interruptions, arising in part from accident, and in part from professional engagements, in the midst of which I am obliged at last to write. This may interfere very much with the order of my ideas, but will not, I trust, occasion any material omission[.]

Nor do I apprehend much inconvenience from the delay, since the preparatory measures for the first step in this great enterprise, the institution of a mission to the southwestern coast of Africa, to explore the ground, and seek out a suitable situation for the establishment of the colony, are not yet, I believe, entirely completed.

Although you confine your request to the communication of my ideas concerning the manner and means of accomplishing this great design, it will not, I trust, be improper or unseasonable to throw out, by way of preface and introduction, some hints on its usefulness and practicability, which have long engaged my attention, and are susceptible I think of very full proof. To many, and especially to you, this I know is quite unnecessary; but great numbers of our countrymen, including many persons of good sense, considerable influence, and the best intentions, may have serious doubts on these two points, which it is of great importance to remove, in order to gain their zealous co-operation. Towards the attainment of so desirable an object I wish to contribute my mite, for which this seems to be a fit occasion.

In reflecting on the utility of a plan for colonizing the free people of color, with whom our country abounds, it is natural that we should be first struck by its tendency to confer a benefit on ourselves, by ridding us of a population for the most part idle and useless, and too often vicious and mischievous. These persons are condemned to a state of hopeless inferiority and degradation by their color, which is an indelible mark of their origin and former condition, and establishes an impassable barrier between them and the whites. This barrier is closed forever by our habits and our feelings, which perhaps it would be more correct to call our prejudices, and which, whether feelings or prejudices, or a mixture of both, make us recoil with horror from the idea of an intimate union with the free blacks, and preclude the possibility of such a state of equality, between them and us, as alone could make us one people. Whatever justice, humanity, and kindness, we may feel towards them, we cannot help considering them, and treating them, as our inferiors; nor can they help viewing themselves in the same light, however hard and unjust they may be inclined to consider such a state of things. We cannot help associating them in our feelings and conduct, nor can they help associating themselves, with the slaves, who have the same color, the same origin, and the same manners, and with whom they or their parents have been recently in the same condition. Be their industry ever so great, and their conduct ever so correct, whatever property they may acquire, or whatever respect we may feel for their characters, we never could consent, and they never could hope, to see the two races placed on a footing of perfect equality with each other; to see the free blacks, or their descendants, visit in our houses, form part of our circle of acquaintance, marry into our families, or participate in public honors and employments. This is strictly true of every part of our country, even those parts where slavery has long ceased to exist, and is held in abhorrence. There is no State in the Union where a negro or mulatto can ever hope to be a member of Congress, a judge, a militia officer, or even a justice of the peace; to sit down at the same table with the respectable whites, or to mix freely in their society. I may safely assert that Paul Cuffee, respectable, intelligent, and wealthy as he is, has no expectation or chance of ever being invited to dine with any gentleman in Boston; of marrying his daughter, whatever may be her fortune or education, to one of their sons; or of seeing his son obtain a wife among their daughters.

This circumstance, arising from the difference of color and origin between the slaves and the free class, distinguishes the slavery of America from that of every other country, ancient or modern. Slavery existed among almost all the ancient nations; it now exists throughout Asia, Africa, and America, and in every part of the Russian and Turkish dominions in Europe; that is, in more than three-fourths of the world. But the great body of the slaves every where, except in North and South America, are of the same race, origin, color, and general character, with the free people. So it was among the ancients. Manumission therefore, by removing the slave from the condition of slavery, exempted him from its consequences, and opened his way to a full participation in all the benefits of freedom. He was raised to an equality with the free class, became incorporated into it with his family, and might, by good fortune or good conduct, soon wash out the stain, and obliterate the remembrance, of his former degraded condition.

But in the United States this is impossible. You may manumit the slave, but you cannot make him a white man; he still remains a negro or a mulatto. The mark and the recollection of his origin and former state still adhere to him; the feelings produced by that condition in his own mind, and in the minds of the whites, still exist; he is associated, by his color and by these recollections and feelings, with the class of slaves ; and a barrier is thus raised between him and the whites, that is, between him and the free class, which he can never hope to transcend. With the hope he gradually loses the desire. The debasement, which was at first compulsory, has now become habitual and voluntary. The incitement to good conduct and exertion, which arises from the hope of raising himself or his family in the world, is a stranger to his breast. He looks forward to no distinction, aims at no excellence, and makes no effort beyond the supply of his daily wants; and the restraints of character being lost to him, he seeks, regardless of the future, to obtain that supply by the means which cost him the least present trouble. The authority of the master being removed, and its place not being supplied by moral restraints or incitements, he lives in idleness, and probably in vice, and obtains a precarious support by begging or theft. If he should avoid those extremes, and follow some regular course of industry, still the habits of thoughtless improvidence, which he contracted while a slave himself, or has caught from the slaves among whom he is forced to live, who of necessity are his companions and associates, prevent him from making any permanent provision for his support by prudent foresight and economy, and, in case of sickness, or of bodily disability from any other cause, send him to live as a pauper at the expense of the community.

There are no doubt many honorable, and some very distinguished, exceptions; but I may safely appeal to the observation of every man, at all acquainted with the class of people in question, for the correctness of this picture.

Such a class must evidently be a burden and a nuisance to the community; and every scheme which affords a prospect of removing so great an evil must deserve to be most favorably considered.

But it is not in themselves merely that the free people of color are a nuisance and burden. They contribute greatly to the corruption of the slaves, and to aggravate the evils of their condition, by rendering them idle, discontented, and disobedient. This also arises from the necessity, under which the free blacks are, of remaining incorporated with the slaves, of associating habitually with them, and forming part of the same class in society. The slave, seeing his free companion live in idleness, or subsist, however scantily or precariously, by occasional and desultory employment, is apt to grow discontented with his own condition, and to regard as tyranny and injustice the authority which compels him to labor. Hence, he is strongly incited to elude this authority, by neglecting his work as much as possible, to withdraw himself from it altogether by flight, and sometimes to attempt direct resistance. This provokes or impels the master to severity, which would not otherwise be thought necessary; and that severity, by rendering the slave still more discontented with his condition, and more hostile towards his master, by adding the sentiments of resentment and revenge to his original dissatisfaction, often renders him more idle and more worthless, and thus induces the real or supposed necessity of still greater harshness on the part of the master. Such is the tendency of that comparison which the slave cannot easily avoid making between his own situation and that of the free people of his own color, who are his companions, and in every thing, except exemption from the authority of a master, his equals, whose condition, though often much worse than his own, naturally appears better to him; and, being continually under his observation, and in close contact with his feelings, is apt to chafe, goad, and irritate him incessantly. This effect, indeed, is not always produced; but such is the tendency of this state of things, and it operates more extensively, and with greater force, than is commonly supposed.

But this effect, injurious as it must be to the character and conduct of the slaves, and consequently to their comfort and happiness, is far from being the worst that is produced by the existence of free blacks among us. A vast majority of the free blacks, as we have seen, are and must be an idle, worthless, and thievish race. It is with this part of them that the slaves will neccessarily associate the most frequently and the most intimately. Free blacks of the better class, who gain a comfortable subsistence by regular industry, keep as much as possible aloof from the slaves, to whom in general they regard themselves as in some degree superior. Their association is confined as much as possible to the better and more respectable class of slaves; but the idle and disorderly free blacks naturally seek the society of such slaves as are disposed to be idle and disorderly too, whom they encourage to be more and more so by their example, their conversation, and the shelter and means of concealment which they furnish. They encourage the slaves to theft, because they partake in its fruits; they receive, secrete, and dispose of the stolen goods, a part, and probably much the largest part, of which they often receive as a reward for their services; they furnish places of meeting and hiding places in their houses for the idle and the vicious slaves, whose idleness and vice are thus increased and rendered more contagious. These hiding places and places of meeting are so many traps and snares for the young and thoughtless slaves who have not yet become vicious; so many schools, in which they are taught, by precept and example, idleness, lying, debauchery, drunkenness, and theft. The consequence of all this is very easily seen, and I am sure is severely felt, in all places where free people of color exist in considerable numbers. That so many resist this contagion, that the free blacks themselves, as well as the slaves, do not become still more generally profligate, is a strong and consoling proof that the race possesses a fund of good dispositions, and is capable, in a proper situation, and under proper management, of becoming a virtuous and happy people. To place them in such a situation, to give them the benefit of such management, is the object of your noble enterprise; and surely no object is more entitled to approbation. .

Great, however, as the benefits are which we may thus promise ourselves from the colonization of the free people of color, by its tendency to prevent the discontent and corruption of our slaves, and to secure to them a better treatment, by rendering them more worthy of it, there is another advantage, infinitely greater in every point point [sic] of view, to which it may lead the way. It tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid is, gradually and entirely, in the United States, of slaves and slavery: a great moral and political evil, of increasing virulence and extent, from which much mischief is now felt, and very great calamity in future is justly apprehended. It is in this point of view, I confess, that your scheme of colonization most strongly recommends itself, in my opinion, to attention and support. The alarming danger of cherishing in our bosom a distinct nation, which can never become incorporated with us, while it rapidly increases in numbers and improves in intelligence; learning from us the arts of peace and war, the secret of its own strength, and the talent of combining and directing its force—a nation which must ever be hostile to us, from feeling and interest, because it can never incorporate with us, nor participate in the advantages which we enjoy; the danger of such a nation in our bosom need not be be [sic] pointed out to any reflecting mind. It speaks not only to our understandings, but to our very senses; and however it may be derided by some, or overlooked by others, who have not the ability or the time, or do not give themselves the trouble to reflect on and estimate properly the force and extent of those great moral and physical causes which prepare gradually, and at length bring forth, the most terrible convulsions in civil society, it will not be viewed without deep and awful apprehension by any who shall bring sound minds and some share of political knowledge and sagacity to the serious consideration of the subject. Such persons will give their most serious attention to any proposition which has for its object the eradication of this terrible mischief lurking in our vitals. I shall presently have occasion to advert a little to the manner in which your intended colony will conduce to this great end. It is therefore necessary to touch on it here. Indeed, it is too obvious to require much explanation.

But, independently of this view of the case, there is enough in the proposed measure to command our attention and support on the score of benefit to ourselves.

No person who has seen the slaveholding States, and those where slavery does not exist, and has compared ever so slightly their condition and situation, can have failed to be struck with the vast difference in favor of the latter. This difference extends to every thing, except only the character and manners of the most opulent and best educated people. These are very much the same every where. But in population; in the general diffusion of wealth and comfort; in public and private improvements; in the education, manners, and mode of life of the middle and laboring classes; in the face of the country; in roads, bridges, and inns; in schools and churches; in the general advancement of improvement and prosperity, there is no comparison. The change is seen the instant you cross the line which separates the country where there are slaves from that where there are none. Even in the same State, the parts where slaves most abound are uniformly the worst cultivated, the poorest, and the least populous; while wealth and improvement uniformly increase as the number of slaves in the country diminishes. I might prove and illustrate this position by many examples drawn from a comparison of different States, as Maryland and Pennsylvania, and between different counties in the same State, as Charles county and Frederick, in Maryland; but it is unnecessary, because every body who has seen the different parts of the country has been struck by this difference. Whence does it arise? I answer, from this: that in one division of country the land is cultivated by freemen, for their own benefit, and in the other almost entirely by slaves, for the benefit of their masters. It is the obvious interest of the first class of laborers to produce as much and consume as little as possible, and of the second class to consume as much and produce as little as possible. What the slave consumes is for himself; what he produces is for his master. All the time that he can withdraw from labor is gained to himself; all that he spends in labor is devoted to his master. All that the free laborer, on the contrary, can produce is for himself; all that he can save is so much added to his own stock. All the time that he loses from labor is his own loss.

This, if it were all, would probably be quite sufficient to account for the whole difference in question. But, unfortunately, it is far from being all. Another, and a still more injurious effect of slavery, remains to be considered.

Where the laboring class is composed wholly, or in a very considerable degree, of slaves, and of slaves distinguished from the free class by color, features, and origin, the ideas of labor and of slavery soon become connected in the minds of the free class. This arises from that association of ideas which forms one of the characteristic features of the human mind, and with which every reflecting person is well acquainted. They who continually from their infancy see black slaves employed in labor, and forming by much the most numerous class of laborers, insensibly associate the ideas of labor and of slavery, and are almost irresistibly led to consider labor as a badge of slavery, and consequently as a degradation. To be idle, on the contrary, is in their view the mark and the privilege of freemen. The effect of this habitual feeling upon that class of free whites which ought to labor, and consequently upon their condition, and the general condition of the country, will be readily perceived by those who reflect on such subjects. It is seen in the vast difference between the laboring class of whites in the Southern and Middle, and those of the Northern and Eastern States, Why are the latter incomparably more industrious, more thriving, more orderly, more comfortably situated, than the former ? The effect is obvious to all those who have travelled through the different parts of our country. What is the cause? It is found in the association between the idea of slavery and the idea of labor, and in the feeling produced by this association, that labor, the proper occupation of negro slaves, and especially agricultural labor, is degrading to a free white man.

Thus we see that, where slavery exists, the slave labors as little as possible, because all the time that he can withdraw from labor is saved to his own enjoyments; and consumes as much as possible, because what he consumes belongs to his master; while the free white man is insensibly but irresistibly led to regard labor, the occupation of slaves, as a degradation, and to avoid it as much as he can. The effect of these combined and powerful causes, steadily and constantly operating in the same direction, may easily be conceived. It is seen in the striking difference which exists between the slaveholding sections of our country and those where slavery is not permitted.

It is therefore obvious that a vast benefit would be conferred on the country, and especially on the slaveholding districts, if all the slave laborers could be gradually and imperceptibly withdrawn from cultivation, and their place supplied by free white laborers—I say gradually and imperceptibly, because, if it were possible to withdraw, suddenly and at once, so great a portion of the effective labor of the community as is now supplied by slaves, it would be productive of the most disastrous consequences. It would create an immense void, which could not be filled; it would impoverish a great part of the community, unhinge the whole frame of society in a large portion of the country, and probably end in the most destructive convulsions. But it is clearly impossible, and therefore we need not enlarge on the evils which it would produce.

But to accomplish this great and beneficial change gradually and imperceptibly, to substitute a free white class of cultivators for the slaves, with the consent of the owners, by a slow but steady and certain operation, I hold to be as practicable as it would be beneficial; and I regard this scheme of colonization as the first step in that great enterprise.

The considerations stated in the first part of this letter have long since produced a thorough conviction in my mind that the existence of a class of free people of color in this country is highly injurious to the whites, the slaves, and the free people of color themselves. Consequently, that all emancipation, to however small an extent, which permits the persons emancipated to remain in this country, is an evil which must increase with the increase of the operation, and would become altogether intolerable, if extended to the whole, or even to a very large part, of the black population. I am therefore strongly opposed to emancipation, in every shape and degree, unless accompanied by colonization.

I may perhaps on some future occasion develop a plan, on which I have long meditated, for colonizing gradually, and with the consent of their owners, and of themselves, where free, the whole colored population, slaves and all; but this is not the proper place for such an explanation, for which indeed I have not time now. But it is an essential part of the plan, and of every such plan, to prepare the way for its adoption and execution, by commencing a colony of blacks, in a suitable situation and under proper management. This is what your society propose to accomplish. Their project therefore, if rightly formed and well conducted, will open the way for this more extensive and beneficial plan of removing, gradually and imperceptibly, but certainly, the whole colored population from the country, and leaving its place to be imperceptibly supplied, as it would necessarily be, by a class of free white cultivators. In every part of the country this operation must necessarily be slow. In the Southern and Southwestern States it will be very long before it can be accomplished, and a very considerable time must probably elapse before it can even commence. It will begin first, and be first completed, in the Middle States, where the evils of slavery are most sensibly felt, the desire of getting rid of the slaves is already strong, and a greater facility exists of supplying their place by white cultivators. From thence it will gradually extend to the South and Southwest, till, by its steady, constant, and imperceptible operation, the evils of slavery shall be rooted out from every part of the United States, and the slaves themselves, and their posterity, shall be converted into a free, civilized, and great nation, in the country from which their progenitors were dragged, to be wretched themselves and a curse to the whites.

This great end is to be attained in no other way than by a plan of universal colonization, founded on the consent of the slaveholders and of the colonists themselves. For such a plan, that of the present colonization society opens and prepares the way, by exploring the ground, selecting a proper situation, and planting a colony, which may serve as a receptacle, a nursery, and a school, for those that are to follow. It is in this point of view that I consider its benefits as the most extensive and important, though not the most immediate.

The advantages of this undertaking, to which I have hitherto adverted, are confined to ourselves. They consist in ridding us of the free people of color, and preparing the way for getting rid of the slaves and of slavery. In these points of view they are undoubtedly very great. But there are advantages to the free blacks themselves, to the slaves, and to the immense population of middle and southern Africa, which no less recommend this undertaking to our cordial and zealous support.

To the free blacks themselves the benefits are the most obvious, and will be the most immediate. Here they are condemned to a state of hopeless inferiority, and consequent degradation. As they cannot emerge from this state, they lose by degrees the hope and at last the desire of emerging. With this hope and desire they lose the most powerful incitements to industry, frugality, good conduct, and honorable exertion. For want of this incitement, this noble and ennobling emulation, they sink for the most part into a state of sloth, wretchedness, and profligacy. The few honorable exceptions serve merely to show of what the race is capable in a proper situation. Transplanted to a colony composed of themselves alone, they would enjoy real equality; in other words, real freedom. They would become proprietors of land, master mechanics, shipowners, navigators, and merchants, and by degrees schoolmasters, justices of the peace, militia officers, ministers of religion, judges, and legislators. There would be no white population to remind them of and to perpetuate their original inferiority; but, enjoying all the privileges of freedom, they would soon enjoy all its advantages and all its dignity. The whites who might visit them would visit them as equals, for the purposes of a commerce mutually advantageous. They would soon feel the noble emulation to excel, which is the fruitful source of excellence in all the various departments of life; and, under the influence of this generous and powerful sentiment, united with the desire and hope of improving their condition, the most universal and active incitements to exertion among men, they would rise rapidly in the scale of existence, and soon become equal to the people of Europe, or of European origin, so long their masters and oppressors. Of all this the most intelligent among them would soon become sensible. The others would learn it from them; and the prospect and hope of such blessings would have an immediate and most beneficial effect on their condition and character; for it will be easy to adopt such regulations as to exclude from this colony all but those who shall deserve by their conduct to be admitted; thus rendering the hope of admission a powerful incentive to industry, honesty, and religion.

To the slaves, the advantages, though not so obvious or immediate, are yet certain and great.

In the first place, they would be greatly benefited by the removal of the free blacks, who now corrupt them, and render them discontented: thus exposing them to harsher treatment and greater privations. In the next place, this measure would open the way to their more frequent and easier manumission; for many persons, who are now restrained from manumitting their slaves by the conviction that they generally become a nuisance when manumitted in the country, would gladly give them freedom, if they were to be sent to a place where they might enjoy it usefully to themselves and to society. And, lastly, as this species of manumission, attended by removal to a country where they might obtain all the advantages of freedom, would be a great blessing, and would soon be so considered by the slaves, the hope of deserving and obtaining it would be a great solace to their sufferings, and a powerful incitement to good conduct. It would thus tend to make them happier and better before it came, and to fit them better for usefulness and happiness afterwards.

Such a colony, too, would enlarge the range of civilization and commerce, and thus tend to the benefit of all civilized and commercial nations. In this benefit our own nation would most largely participate; because, having founded the colony, and giving it constant supplies of new members, as well as its first and principal supply of necessaries and comforts, its first counexions would be formed with us, and would naturally grow with its growth and our own, till they ripened into fixed habits of intercourse, friendship, and attachment.

The greatest benefit, however, to be hoped from this enterprise, that which, in contemplation, most delights the philanthropic mind, still remains to be unfolded. It is the benefit to Africa herself, from this return of her sons to her bosom, bearing with them arts, knowledge, and civilization, to which she has hitherto been a stranger. Cast your eyes, my dear sir, on this vast continent; pass over the northern and northeastern parts, and the great desert, where sterility, ferocious ignorance, and fanaticism, seem to hold exclusive and perpetual sway; fix your attention on Soudan, and the widely extended regions to the south; you see there innumerable tribes and nations of blacks, mild and humane in their dispositions, sufficiently intelligent, robust, active, and vigorous, not averse from labor or wholly ignorant of agriculture, and possessing some knowledge of the ruder arts, which minister to the first wants of civilized man; you see a soil generally fertile, a climate healthy for the natives, and a mighty river, which rolls its waters through vast regions inhabited by these tribes, and seems destined, by an all wise and beneficent Providence, one day to connect then with each other, and all of them with the rest of the world, in the relations of commerce and friendly intercourse. What a field is here presented for the blessings of civilization and Christianity, which colonies of civilized blacks afford the best and probably the only means of introducing. These colonies, composed of blacks already instructed in the arts of civilized life and the truths of the gospel, judiciously placed, well conducted, and constantly enlarged, will extend gradually into the interior, will form commercial and political connexions with the native tribes in their vicinity, will extend those connexions to tribes more and more remote, will incorporate many of the natives with the colonies, and in their turn make establishments and settlements among the natives, and thus diffuse all around the arts of civilization, and the benefits of literary, moral, and religious instruction.

That such must be the tendency of colonies of this description, if well placed; well formed, and well conducted, cannot, I think, be reasonably doubted. Such a colony has already been established, with satisfactory success and flattering prospects. But it may be doubted, perhaps, whether the situation has been fortunately chosen with respect to all the objects that ought to be kept in view; and it is still more questionable, whether a sufficient supply of colonists of a proper description, to give it the extent necessary for rendering it in any considerable degree beneficial, can be drawn from the sources on which it must rely. It is in the United States alone that such colonists can be found in any considerable numbers. In the choice of a good situation, too, on which so much depends, we have far more assistance from recent discoveries, and the extention of geographical knowledge in that quarter of the globe, than was possessed by the founders of that colony. We have the benefit of their experience, of their discoveries, and even of their errors, which we may be able to correct or avoid. Useful therefore and meritorious as their establishment certainly is, we may hope to render ours far more extensively beneficial.

An objection, of some plausibility, is frequently urged against this scheme of colonizing the free people of color, which it may be proper in this place to notice. These people, it is said, especially the industrious and estimable part of them, will not go to the new colony. That many of them will decline to go at first, and some always, cannot be doubted. It is even probable, and may be safely admitted, that but few of them now think favorably of the project; for men, especially ignorant men, venture unwillingly upon great changes, the extent, nature, and consequences of which they are little capable of understanding. But it by no means follows that the same unwillingness or hesitation will continue, after the ground shall have been broken, the way opened, and the settlement formed. In the first instance, none will engage but the most industrious, intelligent, and enterprising, who are capable of discerning the advantages of the undertaking, and have resolution and energy enough to encounter its first hardships and risks. This is the case with all colonies, and especially those formed in distant, unknown, or unsettled countries. Some resolute and adventurous spirits first embark, and they open and prepare the way for others. It is stated and believed, on evidence better known to you than to me, that a sufficient number of such persons stand ready at this time to commence the colony, as soon as the necessary previous arrangements can be made. I have no doubt of the fact, not only from information, but from general reasoning on the human character, and my knowledge of many individuals among the free blacks. When this first step is taken, (and in most enterprises the greatest difficulty lies in the first step,) when a settlement of free blacks shall have actually been formed, the way opened, and the first difficulties surmounted, others will soon be disposed to follow. If successful and prosperous, as it certainly will be if properly conducted, its success will quickly become known to the free blacks in every part of the country.

However distrustful of the whites, they will confide in the reports made to them by people of their own color and class. The prosperity of the settlement, and the advantageous condition of the settlers, will soon be universally understood and believed; and, indeed, will be far more apt to be exaggerated than undervalued. The most ignorant and stupid of the free people of color will speedily understand or believe that, in the colony, they may obtain a state of equality, opulence, and distinction, to which they can never aspire in this country: hence the desire to join their friends and equals there may be expected soon to become general among them; nor is it too much to hope and anticipate that this desire will speedily grow into a passion ; that the difficulty will be not to find colonists, but to select them; and that the hope of being received into the favored number, for whom it may be practicable to provide annually, will ere long become a most powerful and operative incentive to industry, sobriety, and general good conduct, among the whole class from which the selection will be annually made.

Having detained you thus long, my dear sir, much too long, I am afraid, with these preliminary observations on the benefits which may be expected from this undertaking, I proceed now to the manner of carrying it into execution. I shall not, however, treat this branch of the subject in its whole extent, for which this is not the proper place, bit shall confine myself to the objects more immediately in view at this time the choice of a proper situation for the first settlement, and the circumstances to which the attention of the agent, who is to be sent out for the purpose of exploring the ground, ought chiefly to be directed.

The first of these circumstances is salubrity, with a view to which the vicinity of low and marshy grounds, of swamps, and of rivers which are apt to overflow their banks, ought to be carefully avoided. High situations, open to the sea, or washed by rivers with high and steep banks, should be sought. Mountains in the vicinity, and in the direction from which the winds regularly blow, are much to be desired; and great attention should be paid to the abundance of brooks and springs, and to the quality of their water. On all these accounts, an elevated and uneven surface ought to be preferred, though less fertile than the flat low grounds. Too much attention ought not to be paid, in the first settlements, either to great fertility or the convenience of navigation. The first establishment should no doubt be within a convenient distance from a good port, but need not be close to it ; nor ought to be so, unless the immediate vicinity should be much more healthy than such situations usually are. The settlement must be entirely agricultural at first, and will long, perhaps always, continue so, in a very great degree. Commerce there, as in our own country, must and will soon grow out of agriculture; but the first settlements ought to be made with a view to the latter, far more than to the former. Contiguity to a good market for agricultural productions is, indeed, a very important incitement and aid to agricultural industry, and therefore a very important circumstance in the location of an agricultural colony; but it is far from being the most important, and care must be taken to prevent its being too much regarded.

Nor ought any thing in this respect to be sacrificed to great fertility, which is most frequently found in low, flat, and unwholesome situations. A good soil, well adapted to the cultivation of wheat, Indian corn or maize, and cotton, is all in this respect that ought to be desired; and such soils are found in places possessing every advantage of good water, with a dry and pure atmosphere. Wheat and Indian corn are the best articles of food, and the soils that produce them are fit also for various other grains and vegetables, useful for food and of easy culture, especially the sweet potato and various kinds of pulse, which thrive well in hot climates. As an object of tillage, with a view to exportation, cotton is by far the best, because it thrives well in high and healthy situations, of a light soil, may he cultivated 10 advantage on small farms, and requires little labor which cannot be performed by women and children.

Attention should also be paid to suitable streams for the erection of grist mills, saw mills, and other water works, which will be almost indispensable to the colony in its infant state, and of great utility at a more advanced period. Fortunately, such streams abound most in the countries best adapted in other respects to agricultural settlements.

The character, condition, and disposition of the natives, will also require very particular attention; it being of the greatest importance to gain and preserve their good will, so as to cultivate and cement a free and friendly intercourse with them, obtain from them assistance and supplies, and gradually communicate to them the knowledge and habits of civilized life. For this essential purpose, we should not only avoid the neighborhood of fierce and warlike tribes, but that of very large and powerful ones, who will be much more unmanageable and dangerous than small ones in many points of view.

It would also be best to select a situation as distant as possible from Sierra Leone. There would no doubt be some advantages at first in a close neighborhood, but they would probably be soon overbalanced by the jealousies and collisions which could hardly fail to take place between two colonies established under different Governments, and with different views and interests in many important points. This is an objection to Sherbro river, probably not insurmountable, but sufficient to turn the scale in favor of a more distant position, possessing in other respects equal or nearly equal advantages.

If, indeed, an arrangement could be made with the British Government for an union and incorporation of the two colonies, or rather for the reception of our colonists into their settlement, it might deserve serious consideration. There would no doubt be many advantages at first in sending them to a settlement already formed, where the first difficulties have been surmounted, and a regular government exists. But this is matter for future deliberation. We ought now to search out a fit place for ourselves; for it is doubtful whether an incorporation would be agreed to by the British Government, and far from being certain that the best place has been chosen for their establishment. When these points shall have been ascertained, and we know what prospect there is of obtaining a suitable situation elsewhere, a negotiation may be opened, if then thought advisable, for uniting the two colonies.

There will always be one strong objection to the incorporation. The British colony will be for a long time retained in the colonial state, subject to a foreign and distant Government, and, when ripe for independence, will probably be compelled to seek it by force of arms. The nature and habitual policy of that Government will almost necessarily lead to this result. Our colony, on the contrary, ought to be republican from the beginning, and formed and fashioned with a view to self-government and independence, with the consent of the mother country, at the earliest practicable period. It is thus only that it can be most useful to the colonists, to Africa, to its, and to the general cause of humanity.

It would, however, be premature at present to decide on the question of incorporation; and therefore, with a view to this interesting part of the case, the agent should be instructed to investigate most carefully the progress and present state of the Sierra Leone settlement, and to ascertain, as exactly as possible, all the circumstances of its locality, as relates to health; fertility; objects of culture suitable to its soil and climate; navigation; the nature of the country in its vicinity; the character, situation, and strength of the neighboring tribes; and the facilities of communication with the remote and interior parts of the continent.

One very important circumstance in the selection of a suitable place for our settlements, to which the attention of the agent ought to be particularly directed, still remains to be brought into view. I mean the facility of communication with the Niger, that mighty river, which seems destined to supply the link of connexion between the interior of Africa and the civilized world.
I take the question relative to the lower course and termination of the Niger to be now satisfactorily settled. The discoveries of Park, in his last journey, compared and connected with the information derived from Mr. Maxwell and others, concerning the river Zayr, improperly called the Congo, from the name of a little district at its mouth, to say nothing of Sidi Hamet's narrative, as given to us by Captain Riley, which deserves great attention, authorize us, I think, to conclude that these two rivers are the same; in other words, that the Niger, after having traversed the interior of Africa four thousand miles, falls, under the name of Zayr, into the Atlantic, south of the equator : thus laying open that vast continent to its in. most recesses, and bringing its immense population into contact with the rest of the world. There is some doubt and much contrariety of opinion on this point, and this is not the place for entering at large into the discussion. Fortunately, a decision of the question, which cannot be absolutely decided till the course of the Niger shall be pursued to its termination, is not necessary for our present purpose; for, whether this great body of waters, collected in a course of two thousand miles, be lost, according to the opinion of some, in the sands, marshes, and lakes, supposed to exist in the centre of Africa; or, as others have imagined, be discharged into the Mediterranean through the Nile, a river of a more elevated bed, and hardly a tenth part as large; or, being arrested in its progress eastward toward the Indian ocean, by the elevated country in which the Nile has its sources, is driven through the feebler barrier of the mountains on the south, and thrown off to the Southern Atlantic; it is still the only avenue into the interior of Africa—and a noble avenue it is. At Bammakoo, where Park struck it in his last voyage, he stales it to be a mile wide. From thence to Houssa, a distance of between six and seven hundred miles, its course has been satisfactorily ascertained. Throughout this great extent, in which it receives many large streams, and flows through a fertile country, its current, though strong, is smooth and even, uninterrupted by cataracts or shoals. As it advances eastward, it recedes more and more from the coast, and thus becomes more and more difficult of access. Settlements therefore on the Atlantic, formed with a view to commercial intercourse with the vast countries on the Niger, and those more distant to which it leads, must be placed as near as possible to its upper waters, where they first begin to be navigable for boats.

These waters probably approach much nearer the Atlantic than has hitherto been believed. We have seen that, at Bammakoo, the highest point to which it has yet been traced, it is a mile wide-as large as the Susquehanna at its entrance into the Chesapeake bay. It must therefore be a very considerable stream much higher up; that is, much further to the south west, and consequently much nearer to the Atlantic. It has its source in the western part of a chain of mountains, which runs from west to east, nearly parallel with that part of the coast of Africa which extends from Sierra Leone to the bight of Benin. These mountains separate it from the rivers which, rising on their southern side, fall into the Atlantic, in the neighborhood of Sierra Leone. Their sources no doubt approach very near to those of the Niger; probably no great distance divides its navigable waters from theirs. Such a river, with a good port at or near its mouth, and a fertile country on its banks, would present the proper situation for a colony, planted with a view to the civilization of Africa, by the commerce of the Niger.

The course of such a commerce would be to ascend the Atlantic river, as far as possible, in boats, with the commodities wanted for the interior consumption, and to establish at that point a place of deposite, from whence the merchandise would be sent over land to the Niger, and down it to the various markets below. The returns would go up the Niger to its highest navigable point, where a town would soon arise; from thence, they would pass by land to the place of deposite on the other side of the mountain, and there be put into boats, for transportation down the river to the shipping port. If the Niger should be ascertained to continue its course to the ocean, an intercourse would gradually be extended down to its mouth, where a great commercial city, would arise; and to this mart the return cargoes purchased above would gradually find their way down the stream. Thus an immense circle of commerce would imperceptibly be formed, embracing the whole course of the Niger, and the vast countries which it waters and lays open, and connecting them all with each other, and with the whole commercial world. For a very considerable time this commerce would be confined to the countries far up the river, near to its source, where settlements would first be formed, and civilization would commerce. As the communication between these first settlements and those on the Atlantic became more and more safe, easy, and expeditious, by means of intermediate settlements, good roads, and improved inland navigation, colonies and trade would extend further and further down the river. Other settlements would soon be commenced at its mouth. At last, these two branches would meet and unite in a commerce vast as the stream on which it would be borne, and as the continent which it would civilize, enlighten, and adorn.

Ages, indeed, may be required for the full attainment of these objects; untoward events or unforeseen difficulties may retard or defeat them; but the prospect, however remote or uncertain, is still animating, and the hope of success seems sufficient to stimulate us to the utmost exertion. How vast and sublime a career does this undertaking open to a generous ambition, aspiring to deathless fame by great and useful actions! Who can count the millions that in future times shall know and bless the names of those by whom this magnificent scheme of beneficence and philanthropy has been conceived, and shall be carried into execution! Throughout the widely extended regions of middle and southern Africa, then filled with populous and polished nations, their memories shall be cherished and their praises sung, when other States, and even the flourishing and vigorous nation to which they belong, now in its flower of youth, shall have run their round of rise, grandeur, and decay, and, like the founders of Palmyra, Tyre, Babylon, Memphis, and Thebes, shall no longer be known, except by vague reports of their former greatness, or by some fragments of those works of art, the monuments of their taste, their power, or their pride, which they may leave behind.

It is in connexion, my dear sir, with this great operation that I consider your proposed colony of free blacks as most interesting and important. It ought to be the first step in this splendid career, and ought to be located with that view. In choosing a situation for it, therefore, the greatest regard ought to be had to its future connexion with the Niger. To this end, the agent ought to be instructed to make the most careful inquiries concerning the sources of that river, and its highest or most southwestern point; he should also make every effort to obtain the most full and accurate information concerning the rivers that rise in the mountains opposite to its sources, and take their course southwestwardly to the ocean; their size, the nature of the country through which they flow, the height to which they are navigable for ships and for boats, and the harbors al or near their mouths, should all be ascertained with the utmost care and accuracy. That river which combines in the greatest degree the advantages of salubrity, soil, navigation, and good neighborhood, and at the same time brings us nearest to the navigable waters of the Niger, by a good pass over the intervening mountains, is, I apprehend, the proper place, in itself, for the establishment of our colony.

I say in itself: because a place combining all those advantages may still be very unfit for our purpose, if it lie within the claims of any European Power, or too near any of their settlements. It should therefore be a particular object of the agent's attention to ascertain the situation and extent of those claims, and the distance between any European settlements and such place as may appear suited to our views. Inquiries concerning the territorial claims of European Powers can best be made in London; but it is in Africa alone that such information, when obtained, can be applied to the object of the intended mission.

There is a river, called in some maps the Mesurada, which, as there laid down, extends its branches further northeast than any other, and enters the ocean about one hundred or one hundred and fifty miles southeast of the Sherbro. It deserves, I think, the particular attention of the agent, who should be instructed to make inquiries about it, with a view to all the circumstances which may render it proper for a settlement, and to visit it, should the result of this investigation offer encouragement.

The river Nunez, or Noones, also merits particular regard. It empties itself into the Atlantic in latitude 10° 1’ north, about one hundred and fifty miles northwest from Sierra Leone. It has a very good harbor at its mouth, and carries from six to eight fathoms of water about twenty miles up, to a bar, over which there is however three fathoms, or eighteen feet. After passing the bar, the water continues from five to eight fathoms deep, to a point about fifty miles up from the mouth. From thence to the falls, about fifty miles higher up, it is said to admit vessels of one hundred and twenty tops. The country around and above the falls is represented as elevated, fertile, and healthy; abounding in game; well supplied with excellent timber, and watered by numerous streams large enough for mills; Indian corn, and all sorts of pulse and garden vegetables, are said to grow luxuriantly; cattle abound so much that an ox is sold for a dollar. The country below yields rice, Indian corn, and all the usual tropical productions. The natives are represented as peaceable and friendly, and the principal chief, who resides about ninety miles up the river, a little below the falls, and whose authority extends down to the mouth, and far into the interior, is said to be a man of sense and abilities, of a mild and humane character, and favorably disposed towards the whites, and especially the Americans. He speaks English perfectly well. This place would seem therefore to deserve the particular attention of the agent and the society. In addition to its other advantages, its upper waters approach near to those of the river Grande—a very important and interesting feature of African geography, as respects commercial intercourse with the interior, and the extension of civilization by means of colonies of civilized blacks.

These, my dear sir, are the hints that I thought I might venture to suggest to you on this most interesting subject. I make no apology for the length of my letter. It might no doubt be curtailed with advantage; but it might also, and with more ease, if not to a better purpose, be very much enlarged : (or I have touched briefly on less important topics, and altogether omitted some which belong properly to the subject, but did not seem to require immediate attention. Such as it is, I submit it to your consideration, with the hope that it may be of some use in the preparatory arrangements which you are engaged in making.

With the best wishes,
I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant,
ROBERT G. HARPER.
Elias B. CALDWELL, Esq.,
Secretary of the Colonization Society of the U. S.

SOURCE: United States Congressional Serial Set, Reports of Committees of the House of Representatives of the United States, 27th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. 2, p. 193-208

Monday, September 18, 2017

Jacob Bigelow to William Still, Tuesday, October 6, 1855

WASHINGTON, D. C., October 6th, 1855.

MR. STILL, DEAR SIR:— I regret exceedingly to learn by your favor of 4th instant, that all things are not ready. Although I cannot speak of any immediate and positive danger. [Yet it is well known that the city is full of incendiaries]

Perhaps you are aware that any colored citizen is liable at any hour of day or night without any show of authority to have his house ransacked by constables, and if others do it and commit the most outrageous depredations none but white witnesses can convict them. Such outrages are always common here, and no kind of property exposed to colored protection only, can be considered safe. [I don’t say that much liberty should not be given to constables on account of numerous runaways, but it don’t always work for good] Before advertising they go round and offer rewards to sharp colored men of perhaps one or two hundred dollars, to betray runaways, and having discovered their hiding-place, seize them and then cheat their informers out of the money.

[Although'a law-abiding man,] I am anxious in this case of innocence to raise no conflict or suspicion. [Be sure that the manumission is full and legal] And as I am powerless without your aid, I pray you don't lose a moment in giving me relief. The idea of waiting yet for weeks seems dreadful; do reduce it to days if possible, and give me notice of the earliest possible time.

The property is not yet advertised, but will be, [and if we delay too long, may be sold and lost.]

It was a great misunderstanding, though not your fault, that so much delay would be necessary. [I repeat again that I must have the thing done legally, therefore, please get a good lawyer to draw up the deed of manumission.]

Yours Truly,
J. BIGELOW.

SOURCES: The Daily Dispatch, Richmond, Virginia, Monday, July 27, 1857, p. 4; William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 180

Sunday, August 23, 2015

Congressman Charles B. Sedgwick to John M. Forbes, June 28, 1862


Washington, 28th June, 1862.

My Dear Mr. Forbes, — Well, by Jove, if this isn't the luckiest escape I ever had! I have been swearing at myself the last fortnight for abusing you like a pickpocket, taking no notice of your friendly letters which by way of penance I have kept on my table where I should see them on coming in or going out, on lying down and rising up, expecting every day to hear that you had denied on ’Change having ever seen me, and now comes your letter offering an apology. Good! make it! it shall be accepted, although your last letter was abusive. The truth is I vowed never to write you until I had settled for you the inclosed account,1 which you sent me just twenty-seven days ago. They tried to send it back, but I said no, I wanted it paid, and I have only just got it, although it appears to have been made out several days. Please sign it in all the places where you see room for your name and return it to me, and I will hand over the money to the Sanitary, if you still remain charitably inclined.

. . . I showed H. your letter about generals giving certificates to loyal blacks who had served the government, which would serve as manumission deeds to them and their families. It seemed to go through his feathers as a good practical idea, and he has taken the letter home to Ohio to consider of it and sit on it!

I have yet some hopes; I think the tone of Congress is improving, but very slowly. If Mallory don't succeed in hanging me, as he proposes, I may bring them up to something practical yet.

Grimes is crowding the principle of your suggestion in the Senate and says he shall pass it. There is a scriptural objection, however, to success; it is written that “you may bray an ass in a mortar, she will not be wise.” How would firing them out of Porter's mortar answer? After we have been whipped a few times, as we were on James Island, I think our ideas on the subject of natural allies will be improved. Do you see that your friend Fremont has been kicking out of the traces again? I fear J. has been putting him up to this folly. You will have to give him up as one of the impracticables, and go in for some more steady and less mercurial general.

About Naushon; I should like to swing a hammock under a beech in the forests there about 15th August and sleep for two weeks. I am tired out; we have pretty much reorganized the whole Navy Department. I have worked hard upon it and am fatigued. After making it all over new, would it not be well enough to give it a new head?  . . . After being home three or four weeks I want to come down to your kingdom by the sea to rest. I will bring my wife down to talk. Please let me know what time in the last half of August it will be convenient for you to see us.

I am very sorry for that reverse in Charleston. I shall try and make a row about it, but I suppose it will do no good until Richmond is taken. If you find money hard to be got let us know and we will get out another batch of greenbacks. The next bill will make provision for a large government paper-mill, and so we will save all the profits. With kind regards to Mrs. F. and the children.
_______________

1 Of expenses incurred on the Ship Commission.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 320-2

Sunday, January 19, 2014

General Robert E. Lee to Brigadier General G. W. Custis Lee, October 1, 1863

CAMP, 1st October, 1863.
MY DEAR CUSTIS:

I have received a letter from the provost marshal at Staunton, stating that Mary and Sally Morris had been arrested in the Valley endeavoring to pass our lines. They showed a pass signed by you to go beyond the lines of the Confederate States. Having emancipated them, under the law, I consider now that I cannot treat them differently from other citizens of the C. States, though it would give me pleasure to aid them in any way in my power. Your pass is not sufficient to pass them through lines, and I do not give passes to white citizens, unless they show me authority from the Sec'y of War, or some other Cabinet officer, to leave the country. I do not think it right to do otherwise. I see by the papers that "Miss Francis Burke" has arrived in Washington, and given some pleasing revelations. I consider her a happy riddance, and that M. and S. would do us no more harm than others. What can be done for them?

Truly your father,
R. E. LEE.
GEN. G. W. CUSTIS LEE.

SOURCE: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 289

Thursday, January 16, 2014

General Robert E. Lee to Colonel G. W. Custis Lee, May 11, 1863

CAMP, 11th May, 1863.

MY DEAR CUSTIS:

These hot days remind me I must prepare to lighten my clothing. Will you send me, by Thomas, the messenger of the A. and I. Gen'l., my gray sack, cotton drawers, and some cotton socks that I sent down last fall. Upon their arrival, I will send my flannels and will get you to put them in my trunk. You must excuse all the trouble I give you. I have no one else to aid me, and cannot leave here.

If the President cannot visit the army, I must go to him for a day at least. In that event, I could make these exchanges myself. I found Ham in this army, and requested his employer to send him down to Mr. Eacho to get his free papers.

I have not heard whether he obtained them. I heard from your mother yesterday. She was at Shirly, but did not seem satisfied. I fear she is no better. I wish I could do something for her relief. You will have heard of the death of General Jackson. It is a terrible loss. I do not know how to replace him. Any victory would be dear at such a cost. But God's will be done. His body goes to R. today. Give love to all.

Truly and aff. your father,
R. E. LEE.
COL. G. W. CUSTIS LEE.

SOURCE: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 287-8

Wednesday, January 15, 2014

General Robert E. Lee to Colonel G. W. Custis Lee, March 31, 1863

HEADQUARTERS ARMY NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
MARCH 31, 1863.

MY DEAR CUSTIS:

I send you a note which I have lately received from Mr. Crockford. I have written to him to request that Harrison be sent to Mr. Eacho. Will you have his free papers given him?

I see that the Va. Central R. R. is offering $40 a month and board. I would recommend he engage with them, or on some other work at once. Can you get the proper evidence of Reuben's death and from what cause?

He was of such a turbulent disposition that I have feared he may have caused it. I hope you may have been able to recover Parks. As regards Leanthe and Jim, I presume they had better remain with Mrs. D. this year, and at the end of it devote their earnings to their own benefit. But what can be done with poor little Jim? It would be cruel to turn him out on the world. He could not take care of himself.

He had better be bound out to some one, until he can be got to his grandfather's. His father is unknown, and his mother dead or in unknown parts. I heard from poor little Rob the other day. He was well. Our bad weather continues. The ground this morning was covered with an inch or two of snow. An easterly rain is now prevailing, which will doubtless carry it all off, leaving us in a delightful slush of mud. I have no news. We have only to suffer. Cannot move, and the enemy will not.

Give much love to your mother and Agnes. I hope you are all well. I am in very indifferent health. But hope I shall improve. I am weak, feverish, and altogether good for nothing, at the very time I require all my strength.

Your affectionate father,
R. E. LEE.
G. W. CUSTIS LEE.

SOURCE: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 286-7

Sunday, January 12, 2014

General Robert E. Lee to Colonel G. W. Custis Lee, January 11, 1863

CAMP, 11th January, 1863.

I am delighted, my dear son, at your safe return to Richmond and to learn of your good health. Your letter which I have just received also strengthens my hope of our ability to hold the Mississippi. God grant that the integrity of the Confederacy may be thus preserved. I hope we will be able to do something for the servants. I executed a deed of manumission, embracing all the names sent me by your mother, and some that I recollected, but as I had nothing to refer to, but my memory, I fear many are omitted. It was my desire to manumit all the people of your grandfather, whether present on the several estates or not. I believe your mother only sent me the names of those present at the W. H. and Romancoke. Those that have left with the enemy may not require their manumission. Still, some may be found hereafter in the State, and at any rate I wished to give a complete list, and to liberate all, to show that your grandfather's wishes, so far as I was concerned, had been fulfilled. Do you not think that is the best course? If you can get the complete list, you can either have a deed drawn up embracing the whole, or a supplementary deed embracing those who have been omitted, stating they had been carried from the plantations by the enemy. Mr. Caskie says six men have been sent to Mr. Eacho by Mr. Chas. Scott, viz.: Obediah, George, Wesley, Henry, Edward, and Oscar.

The latter may be intended for Parks, or Austin, but one of them is missing. Can you ascertain which, and where he is? Harrison was hired to the contractor of the Orange & Alex. R. R. Can you find out where he is? I shall pay wages to Perry and retain him until he or I can do better. You can do the same with Billy. The rest that are hired out had better be furnished with their papers, and be let go. But what can be done with those at the W. H. and Romancoke? Those at and about Arlington can take care of themselves I hope, and I have no doubt but all are gone who desire to do so. At any rate I can do nothing for them now.

I am glad to receive the accts. of sales of the coupons. Those due on the 1st inst. you can retain as long as you think proper.

SOURCE: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 285-6