Showing posts with label Secessionists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Secessionists. Show all posts

Thursday, February 22, 2024

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, July 31, 1861

On the 19th of June, 1861, the 5th Regiment of Wisconsin Vols., being partially organized, went into camp at Madison, Wis. Here it remained for a time, perfecting its organization, drilling and preparing itself for the hardships, the dangers, and the responsibilities to be encountered in the battle-field, against a people warlike and chivalric; a people who are taught to regard physical courage, and recklessness of physical danger, as the noblest qualities of the human race, and a people whose chief pride was to win in fight, whether with individuals or in masses; but a people, who, having entrusted their politics to professed politicians, were misled to believe that, by their brothers of the Northern States of this Union, their rights of property were invaded, and their homes were coveted as a prize for distribution amongst the overgrown population of the North. But to enter into a discussion of the merits of this rebellion, now devastating the most beautiful country known to man, carrying in its march a passover of beggary, of destitution, and of death, is not in accordance with the object of this little book. It is therefore passed over, that the reader may at once be permitted to enter into a detail of the subjects indicated in our preface.

From the time of the commencement of the rebellion, by actual war on Fort Sumter, in April of this year, its settlement by rapid and decisive victories over the rebels was subject of merriment, and looked on as matter of course. We were going to war with a people of not half our numbers, without money, without munitions of war, without navy, without anything in fine of those elements which go to make up the ensemble of a people powerful in war, and we were entering into the strife as a short interlude to the hum-drum vocations of life. "How could a people thus situated hope to compete with the parent Government, rich in every element which makes a great people?" This was the reasoning. In vain were our people told of the character of the Southerners. In vain were they referred to the results of our own rebellion and successful revolutionary war with England. "Oh!" was the reply, "Steamships were not known in those days, and England had to cross the ocean to fight us." "But Hungary, with its population of only 3,000,000, and without revenue, withstood the whole power of Austria, till the hordes of Russia had to be called in to aid in their subjugation." "But Austria had become a superannuated and feeble people." No reasoning would answer. The subjugation of the revolted States was to be a pastime, and could be nothing but a pastime. Thus went on matters, drilling as an amusement, preparatory to the enjoyment of a war, all the results of which were to be on our side, and obtained without sacrifice or suffering.

*          *          *          *          *          *

On the afternoon of the 21st July, 1861, the electric wires brought us the intelligence from Bull Run that our army was whipped, was routed, was scattered in flight. The heart of the whole North received a shock of sadness and of disappointment. Soldiers in camp began to realize that war meant work and danger, and the Regiment of which I was a member at once received orders to be in readiness to march at the earliest possible moment, to hurry to the aid of its companions

in arms. It was in sad plight for the exposures of camp life. ’Twas in the heat of summer, when fevers and diarrhoea prevail in their worst forms. The measles had broken out in camp, and one-third of the soldiers were suffering from disease of some kind. Nevertheless, active preparation went on, and on the fourth day after the receipt of the sad news the Regiment was on its way to battle.

On the 27th of July we reached Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and went into Camp Curtin. For months this had been a rendezvous for regiment after regiment. The grounds had not been cleaned—the weather was intensely hot, without a leaf to intercept the scorching rays of the sun. The stench of the camp was intolerable, and the sickness of the troops rapidly increased.1

On the 29th of July, at night, we received orders to be ready to march at 3 o'clock next morning. Our destination was supposed to be Harper's Ferry, where we were at once to engage the enemy and to "wind up the war." So great was the excitement (these things were all new then) that very few laid down for rest during the night. At 3 A. M., of the 30th, all tents were struck and rolled up; mess chests were packed, and everyone ready for the order to move. But sunrise came and found us sitting on our packages. The day wore on, I think the hottest I ever experienced. The troops remained exposed to the broiling sun till 2 o'clock P. M., when we embarked on open platform cars, without seats, and without covering. We ran down through the city, crossed the Susquehannah Bridge, halted, and remained sitting or standing in the sun till evening. The heat of the day, determining the circulation to the skin, had brought out the eruption in many cases of measles, and the poor fellows had to sit and suffer, without a place to lie down, or even a back to lean against. At dusk we found ourselves again under way; ran down to York, Pa., about forty miles. It had now commenced raining, and the cars were run out from the depot, and the suffering men who had been all day washed with their own perspiration, were compelled to sit all night in the rain. Sick or well, 'twas all the same. None were permitted to leave the open cars and go back into the depot. Towards morning the rain stopped; the wind shifted suddenly to the Northwest, and it was cold as November. After the long tedious night of suffering, the morning came, and we ran down to Baltimore, arriving there at 8 o'clock on the morning of July 31st.

We had anticipated trouble here. We disembarked, marched with muskets loaded, and bayonets fixed, from north to south through the entire length of the city, without molestation, except from the scowls of secessionists, and the welcoming hurrahs of friends.2 At the Camden Street depot we remained in the most uncomfortable condition which it is possible to conceive till sunset, when we were ordered for the twentieth time during the day to "fall in." We disembarked, marched about two and a half miles, and camped on an elevated ground to the north of, and overlooking a large part of the city and bay. The regiment did not get settled till midnight, and many were so exhausted that they threw themselves on the ground, with their clothes still wet from the previous night's rain. The medical department, however, succeeded by 10 o'clock in getting up tents to protect the sick, and they were made as comfortable as the circumstances would permit.

Here the regiment remained till the 8th of August, without any occurrences worthy of note, except that sickness continued to increase, and the knowledge I gained as to how little some military commanders cared for the comfort of their sick men. After we had been here five or six days, the Colonel was positively ignorant of the fact that we had a hospital on the ground, though there were three within fifty feet of his quarters, filled to their utmost capacity with the sick and suffering. I was now receiving but little support in my efforts for their health and comfort.

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1 I made it my business to visit every tent twice a day, to see that they were thoroughly cleaned, and that the sides of the tent were raised so as freely to admit a current of air. But here the air without was so foul as to improve the condition inside but little. I will here say, however, that the Surgeon of a Regiment who does not visit every tent in his encampment at least once a day, to satisfy himself by personal inspection that it is thoroughly cleaned and ventilated, and that at least once a week the tents are all struck, and the sun admitted for several hours to the ground on which they stand, is not deserving of the position which he holds.

2 Only two companies were armed. They were placed one in front, the other in the rear of the Regiment, and so marched through the city.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 5-9

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, August 8, 1861

"I am monarch of all I survey." Last night, intelligence being received that an attack was expected on Washington; we were ordered to move there instanter, and at once the regiment was in motion. It got off in the course of the night, leaving me here in charge of about forty men who were too sick to be moved. I am left without provisions or money, except a few pounds of flour with which to feed and care for the sick, and the ten well ones left with me, to aid me and to look up deserters who have been left here. How am I to do it? I find a strong secession element here, and at times it is very bold. The hurrahs for Jeff. Davis are frequent, and all day the children are flaunting secession flags in our faces, and flying secession kites in our camp ground

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 10

Wednesday, February 21, 2024

Diary of William S. White, April 13, 1861

FALL OF FORT SUMTER.

The ball has opened; crowds of eager citizens may be seen gathered together at the corners of the streets excitedly discussing the grand topic of the day, and that topic is war. Yes! bloody, destructive war will soon be upon us in all its horror. Oh, God! grant us the power and fortitude to withstand the terrible calamity now hanging o'er us, which no power, save that of Divine interposition, can prevent.

Dispatch after dispatch, from the far South, comes over the magnetic wires, and soon the astounding news, "big with the fate" of a new-born people, is shouted by a thousand tongues that

“SUMTER HAS FALLEN."

The crowds on the street soon become a dense mass—calm, dignified men seem instantly transformed into wild Secessionists; there are no Unionists now; we are all determined to stand by the South, right or wrong—too late for discussion now—with her to conquer or die.

Some one in the crowd cries out, "For the Governor's House." This was received with a shout, and as “Honest John Letcher" had been excessively Union, the crowd rushed furiously toward the Governor's mansion, and after repeated calls, Governor Letcher made his appearance, not a little discomposed by the clamor and confusion of this excited mob. He attempted to speak, but the maddened populace suspected "Honest John" was still unwilling to come out boldly for the Confederate cause, and consequently his remarks were unheard, save by those immediately around him.

Only half appeased were the dizzy and infatuated mass. Some other excitement was wanted, and the "Star Spangled Banner" floated, as it were, half timidly upon the highest point of our State Capitol, and each star seemed to weep as the Demon of Death stretched forth his mighty wings to begin his sad flight.

"Tear down that accursed flag," was shouted by the crowd, and immediately some half dozen, bolder than the rest, rushed quickly into the Capitol, in which the State Convention was then sitting, hurried up the steps, and in less time than I take to write this the Star Spangled Banner was torn from its flag-staff, and supplanted by Virginia's proud motto, "Sic Semper Tyrannis."

Peal after peal of long continued applause rent the air, seeming to ascend up to the very throne of Heaven and calling upon God to witness the stern determination of the Southern people. The few Unionists who still madly clung to the fond hope that peace would yet be restored, threatened vengeance on the Secessionists for tearing down the United States flag, and, in fact, it was said that "Honest John" went so far as to order out the "Public Guard" to disperse the crowd collected on the Capitol Square.

Well was it for the "Guard," and also for “Honest John" that such was not the case, for had they made their appearance, a terrible riot would have been the inevitable consequence.

Indeed, the times and the Richmond people remind me much of the run-mad Red Republicanism of France, for never were a people so enthusiastically mad as now. However, any nation to be successful, must first be baptized in the blood of its own citizens, and now we are to have this theory brought practically into effect.

Nightfall, instead of quieting the excitement, seemed if possible to add fresh fuel to the flame. The crowded streets and wild shouts of the people, together with the lurid glare of an hundred tar-barrels, torches steeped in rosin, and rockets whirling high above the houses, presented a spectacle rarely witnessed by our somewhat apathetic people of Richmond.

Already the work of Revolution has commenced. Far away on the coast of South Carolina the smoke and din of battle has awakened the people of Virginia, who too long have slumbered when work should have been done, to the consciousness that the war cloud, with all its pent up fury, is now bursting upon them. The question now most agitating the public mind is—“What will be the action of the Virginia Convention, now sitting in the State-House, and elected as it was by such an overwhelming Union majority?"

They cannot withstand this outside pressure brought to bear upon them, and must either remove to some other point in the State or pass the Ordinance of Secession at an early date, and then leave it to the people whether or not we will cast our lot with our sister Southern States. My mind is fully made up to join the Southern army no matter whether Virginia secedes or not, though from the time I can remember I have bitterly opposed the doctrine of secession.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 89-91

Wednesday, February 14, 2024

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Joseph Stockton, September 11, 1862

PADUCAH, KY.  On Saturday morning about five o'clock we were ordered to be ready to march in twenty-five minutes. We soon learned our destination was Paducah. We embarked at Cairo on board the "Fair Play." This boat had been captured from the rebels. We arrived here in the night time and on Sunday morning disembarked. This is a beautiful place and much preferable to Cairo. We are encamped on the banks of the Tennessee river on a bluff about fifty feet above the river and on a sandy soil which soon dries after a rain. On our arrival I was appointed "officer of the day" and had to make the grand rounds, which means to visit all the pickets. I had to ride about fifteen miles in a drenching rain at 12 o'clock at night but I did not mind it as I was only too glad to have something to do. Men are all better satisfied at getting south of the Ohio River as they feel they are now in the enemy's country. We are kept busy drilling in battalion drill which to me is preferable to company drill. There are a great many secessionists in this place and no doubt but what our movements are made known to the rebel officers daily. I forgot to say that our surgeon, Dr. E. Powell, is one of the best in the service. 1st Assistant Surgeon Dr. Durham is only a beginner.

SOURCE: Joseph Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph Stockton, p. 2

Monday, July 10, 2023

Judge John J. Allen

Judge Allen for many years was one of the most distinguished lawyers and jurists of Western Virginia. He was born at Woodstock, Shenandoah County, Virginia, September 25, 1797. His father, Judge James Allen, was also an able lawyer and jurist and was eminent in his day and generation. The subject of this brief sketch was educated at Washington College, Lexington, Virginia, and Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pennsylvania. He read law under the guidance of his father and was admitted to the practice in the courts of the Valley of Virginia. In 1819 he located at Clarksburg in the western part of the State and began the practice of his profession in Harrison and adjoining counties. Being thoroughly equipped he was not long in forging to the front and securing employment in important litigations of those early days. Indeed by ability and learning he very soon found employment on one side or the other in most big law suits in the three or four counties in which he practiced. Late in the twenties he formed a partnership with Gideon D. Camden, also a lawyer of prominence at Clarksburg, which continued for eight or ten years, until Mr. Allen in 1836 was appointed a Judge of the Circuit Court of Virginia, when he retired from the firm.

In 1827 Judge Allen was elected to the State Senate, and while a member of that body he introduced a bill, which afterwards became a law, for the settlement of land titles, in trans-Allegheny, Virginia. In 1834 he was elected Commonwealth's Attorney for the counties of Harrison, Lewis and Preston. At the same time he was a member of the 23d Congress, serving from 1833 to 1835. In all of the public positions he held he was faithful, honorable and able. He married in 1824. Although he was extremely reserved while in public life, he was gentle, affectionate and communicative in his social relations with his family and friends, and was firm and sincere in his religious convictions. He was appointed a Circuit Judge in 1836, and removed his residence to Botetourt County, and was promoted to the Supreme Court of Appeals in December, 1840. He died at Fincastle in 1871. He was an ardent secessionist at the beginning of the war, and retired from active life in 1865. He was a member of the Supreme Court for a quarter of a century, and his opinions show him to be a man of vast erudition. He was, beyond question, an able and just Judge, and his private and public life were above reproach.

SOURCE: George Wesley Atkinson, Editor, Bench and Bar of West Virginia, p. 19

Wednesday, May 17, 2023

John Tyler to Robert Tyler, November 10, 1860

SHERWOOD FOREST, November 10, 1860.

So all is over, and Lincoln elected. South Carolina will secede. What other States will do remains to be seen. Virginia will abide developments. The Bellites will seek to divide parties into Unionists and the reverse. We shall see the result. It is said that Rives is offered the premiership. He will only take it upon satisfactory assurances being given, I am sure. For myself, I rest in quiet, and shall do so unless I see that my poor opinions have due weight. In the meantime confidence between man and man is giving way, and soon gold and silver will be hoarded by those who are fortunate enough to have them.

Love to all.
Your affectionate father,
J. TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 563

Wednesday, October 19, 2022

Acting Brigadier-General Samuel P. Carter to Brigadier-General George H. Thomas, November

HEADQUARTERS EAST TENNESSEE BRIGADE,        
Camp Calvert, November 16, 1861.
(Received November 17.)
Brig. Gen. GEORGE H. THOMAS, U. S. A.,
        Commanding, &c., Crab Orchard, Ky.:

GENERAL: My brother William has just arrived from East Tennessee, and the news he brings I think of so much importance, that I will dispatch a special messenger to convey it to you. My brother left Roane County, near Kingston, on Monday night last. He reports that on Friday night, 8th instant, of last week, he succeeded in having burned at least six, and perhaps eight, bridges on the railroad, viz: Union Bridge, in Sullivan County, near the Virginia line; Lick Creek Bridge, in Greene County; Strawberry Plains, in Jefferson County, 15 miles east of Knoxville, partially destroyed; Hiawassee Bridge, 70 miles southwest of Knoxville, and on the East Tennessee and Georgia. Railroad; two bridges over the Chickamauga, between Cleveland and Chattanooga, and between Chattanooga and Dalton, Georgia These bridges are certainly destroyed. The Long Island Bridge, at Bridgeport, on Tennessee River, and a bridge below Dalton, on the Western Atlantic road, are probably destroyed.

The consternation among the secessionists of East Tennessee is very great. The Union men are waiting with longing and anxiety for the appearance of Federal forces on the Cumberland Mountains, and are all ready to rise up in defense of the Federal Government. My brother states that he has it, from reliable sources that the rebels have but 15,000 men at Bowling Green, many of them badly armed and poorly organized. The other 15,000 men are distributed at two other points in Southwestern Kentucky.

The above information was obtained from Union members of Tennessee legislature who were at Bowling Green on last Monday was a week ago.

On last Monday, as nearly as could be ascertained, Zollicoffer had in East Tennessee 8,000 men, about 1,000 of whom were unarmed, and about 1,500 on sick list, most of them badly clothed, and many poorly armed. About 6,000 of the above were at different points on Cumberland Mountains; at Jacksborough there were some troops, but the exact number could not be accurately ascertained. There were 1,400 at Knoxville, but only 600 of them able to bear arms. There were 60 at London, 60 at Carter's Depot, and 300 at Jamestown.

The only troops that have passed through East Tennessee in last six weeks was an Alabama regiment, 800 strong, which went to Virginia; they were without arms.

I send you a Nashville paper, brought by my brother, containing some account of the attack on Port Royal.

I to-day moved Colonel Garrard's regiment to the ground which was occupied by the Thirty-third Indiana, and the First and Second Regiments East Tennessee to the heights where the artillery and Thirty-eighth Ohio were encamped. I have heard nothing definite since yesterday from Cumberland Gap, but I have reason to believe that the reported loss of the Union men at Cumberland Ford was not correct. If possible, general, send me some artillery, for if I am attacked with artillery I cannot resist with any hope of success. Some cavalry are also necessary to our security.

General, if it be possible, do urge the commanding general to give us some additional force and let us advance into East Tennessee; now is the time. And such a people as are those who live in East Tennessee deserve and should be relieved and protected. You know the importance of this move, and will, I hope, use all your influence to effect it. Our men will go forward with a shout to relieve their native land.

The brigade commissary has not yet handed in his report of the amount of provisions on hand; but I think we have already nearly, if not quite, a month's supply on hand.

With much respect, I am, dear general, yours, very truly,

S. P. CARTER,        
Acting Brigadier-General, Comdg. East Tennessee Brigade.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 359-60

Monday, January 3, 2022

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, April 7, 1865

We have word that Sheridan has had a battle with a part of Lee's army, has captured six Rebel generals and several thousand prisoners. His dispatch intimates the almost certain capture of Lee.

In the closing up of this Rebellion, General Grant has proved himself a man of military talent. Those who have doubted and hesitated must concede him some capacity as a general. Though slow and utterly destitute of genius, his final demonstrations and movements have been masterly. The persistency which he has exhibited is as much to be admired as any quality in his character. He is, however, too regardless of the lives of his men.

It is desirable that Lee should be captured. He, more than any one else, has the confidence of the Rebels, and can, if he escapes, and is weak enough to try and continue hostilities, rally for a time a brigand force in the interior. I can hardly suppose he would do this, but he has shown weakness, and his infidelity to the country which educated, and employed, and paid him shows gross ingratitude. His true course would be to desert the country he has betrayed, and never return.

Memo. This Rebellion which has convulsed the nation for four years, threatened the Union, and caused such sacrifice of blood and treasure may be traced in a great degree to the diseased imagination of certain South Carolina gentlemen, who some thirty and forty years since studied Scott's novels, and fancied themselves cavaliers, imbued with chivalry, a superior class, not born to labor but to command, brave beyond mankind generally, more intellectual, more generous, more hospitable, more liberal than others. Such of their countrymen as did not own slaves, and who labored with their own hands, who depended on their own exertions for a livelihood, who were mechanics, traders, and tillers of the soil, were, in their estimate, inferiors who would not fight, were religious and would not gamble, moral and would not countenance duelling, were serious and minded their own business, economical and thrifty, which was denounced as mean and miserly. Hence the chivalrous Carolinian affected to, and actually did finally, hold the Yankee in contempt. The women caught the infection. They were to be patriotic, Revolutionary matrons and maidens. They admired the bold, dashing, swaggering, licentious, boasting, chivalrous slave-master who told them he wanted to fight the Yankee but could not kick and insult him into a quarrel. And they disdained and despised the pious, peddling, plodding, persevering Yankee who would not drink, and swear, and fight duels.

The speeches and letters of James Hamilton and his associates from 1825 forward will be found impregnated with the romance and poetry of Scott, and they came ultimately to believe themselves a superior and better race, knights of blood and spirit.

Only a war could wipe out this arrogance and folly, which had by party and sectional instrumentalities been disseminated through a large portion of the South. Face to face in battle and in field with these slandered Yankees, they learned their own weakness and misconception of the Yankee character. Without self-assumption of superiority, the Yankee was proved to be as brave, as generous, as humane, as chivalric as the vaunting and superficial Carolinian to say the least. Their ideal, however, in Scott's pages of "Marmion," "Ivanhoe," etc., no more belonged to the Sunny South than to other sections less arrogant and presuming but more industrious and frugal.

On the other hand, the Yankees, and the North generally, underestimated the energy and enduring qualities of the Southern people who were slave-owners. It was believed they were effeminate idlers, living on the toil and labor of others, who themselves could endure no hardship such as is indispensable to soldiers in the field. It was also believed that a civil war would, inevitably, lead to servile insurrection, and that the slave-owners would have their hands full to keep the slaves in subjection after hostilities commenced. Experience has corrected these misconceptions in each section.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 276-8

Sunday, March 14, 2021

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, September 1, 1864

 Great is the professed enthusiasm of the Democrats over the doings at Chicago, as if it were not a matter of course. Guns are fired, public meetings held, speeches made with dramatic effect, but I doubt if the actors succeed even in deceiving themselves. Notwithstanding the factious and petty intrigues of some professed friends, a species of treachery which has lurked in others who are disappointed, and much mismanagement and much feeble management, I think the President will be reëlected, and I shall be surprised if he does not have a large majority.

At Chicago there were extreme partisans of every hue, —Whigs, Democrats, Know-Nothings, Conservatives, War men and Peace men, with a crowd of Secessionists and traitors to stimulate action, — all uniting as partisans, few as patriots. Among those present, there were very few influential names, or persons who had public confidence, but scoundrels, secret and open traitors of every color.

General Gillmore and Fox went yesterday to the front to see General Grant and try to induce him to permit a force to attack and close the port of Wilmington. It is, undoubtedly, the most important and effective demonstration that can be made. If of less prestige than the capture of Richmond, it would be as damaging to the Rebels.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 132-3

Friday, December 25, 2020

Jonathan Worth to E. J. Hale and Sons, August 1, 1861

ASHEBORO, Aug. 1st, 1861.

The whole nation seems now to be heartily bowing its neck; in the North to Abolition, and in the South to Democracy and Secession. Each of the leaders seems to me to be conducting us to perdition. Being compelled to wear one or the other of these yokes, the latter is less galling to me and the goal seems more distant, and I bow my neck and submit to the goad.

In the present attitude of affairs no man will more willingly strengthen the military arm of the South and repel our invaders, but when the victory is won and peace restored, it is evident our late political opponents will regard us as subjugated vassals. They only tolerate us now because they need our aid to do the fighting. Events have proved Yancey's political sagacity. With the aid of the old villain Lincoln, the Secessionists have “warmed the Southern heart and influenced the Southern mind.” I regard the revolution as successful and the new government bound together with no [word illegible] of mind. But I know how impotent are the efforts of the wisest to look into the future, and find consolation in the hope that when Wickedness and Folly shall have finished their carnival, that Providence will bring good out of the miseries now impending

SOURCE: J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 157-8

Wednesday, November 18, 2020

Jonathan Worth to Springs, Oak & Co., May 13, 1861

ASHEBORO, May 13th, 1861.

I have just returned from Raleigh. The State regards the impending war as a sectional one and all seemed determined to repel it. A large majority up to the issuing of Lincoln's proclamation were firm for the Union. Some of us would have made any sacrifice to preserve it. The small concessions made by the last Congress had strengthened us. Lincoln prostrated us. He could have devised no scheme more effectual than the one he has pursued, to overthrow the friends of Union here. Whether this was his design in order to make war upon slavery, or his purpose only what he professes, we are in doubt. [Next three lines illegible.] Whatever may be his purpose, any sensible man could foresee, and this act of his will prove, that he is the most efficient auxiliary of the secessionists. I have been the most persevering and determined public man in my State to preserve the Union—the last to abandon the hope, that the good sense of the Nation would prevent a collision between the extremes, each of which I viewed with equal abhorrence. I am left no other alternative but to fight for or against my section. I can not hesitate. Lincoln has made us a unit to resist until we repel our invaders or die. I can see no hope in the future, whatever may be the issue of the fight, which now seems inevitable. The best chance for ultimate re-union would be a peaceable separation.

Our Legislature is terrible. You will have seen our new stay law. All collection for creditors at home and abroad is cut off, without any security to creditors.

Will you please let me know how accts. stand between me and you? I intend to pay the little I owe North and South, if I can be permitted to do so without being a traitor.

Read Gov. Graham's speech to the Hillsboro volunteers, published in the Standard this week. It is a true exponent of the views of all quondam Union men here.

PHILADELPHIA, PA.

SOURCE: J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 143

Tuesday, November 17, 2020

Jonathan Worth to Gaius Winningham, May 20, 1861

ASHEBORO, May 20, '61.

Knowing that you are an ardent personal and political friend and that you cannot hear well, and that you are concerned on account of the slanders which my ignoble political opponents are industriously circulating, not to promote the good of the country by breaking me down, but to gratify personal malevolence—I desire to say to you that I have changed no political opinion I have heretofore maintained.

I still firmly believe in the wisdom and virtue of Washington and the early promoters of our government and that war. no other divided government can ever be built up so good as the United one we are pulling down—and hence I abhor the Northern Abolitionist and the Southern Secessionist, both co-operating with different objects, to break up the Union, but the whole nation has become mad. The voice of reason is silenced. Furious passion and thirst for blood consume the air. Democracy and Abolition, moved and instigated by the Devil, are the opposing factions. Nobody is allowed to retain and assert his reason. The cartridge box is preferred to the ballot box. The very women and children are for war. Every body must take sides with one or the other of these opposing factions or fall a victim to the mob or lose all power to guide the torrent when its fury shall begin to subside. It is barely possible that the leaders may pause before the carnage fairly sets in. The best chance to produce such pause and prevent war, is for us to show a united purpose to enlist besides, if we must fight, none of us can hesitate to fight for our wives-our homes-our sections. I have therefore concluded to urge our young men to volunteer. Division or hesitation among us will but invite the invasion of the black Republicans. My maxim has always been to choose among the evils around me and do the best I can. I think the annals of the world furnish no instance of so groundless a war—but as our nation will have it—if no peace can be made—let us fight like men for our own firesides.

 I write this for your own personal satisfaction—not for the public eye,—not that I desire to conceal my views, but because in the present frenzied state of the public mind it will be distorted—misrepresented, and can do no good.

SOURCE: J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 148-9

Jonathan Worth to Johnson and Farnsworth, May 22, 1861

ASHEBORO, May 22nd, 1861.

This State is now a perfect unit as the North seems to be. No man desired or worked harder than myself to preserve the Union, but the Abolitionists North and the fire-eaters South have gradually forced everybody into the ranks of the one or the other. In N. C. the Union sentiment was largely in the ascendant and gaining strength until Lincoln prostrated us. Congress having refused to pass the force bill, we felt that the President could abandon Sumter and Pickens without any sacrifice of his principles, but in conformity with the Legislative will. He induced the whole South so to believe. The assurance of Seward to Judge Campbell seems to have been made with deliberate duplicity, and we can not doubt that Mr. Lincoln knew his policy would disarm all Union men in the Southern States. He did more than all the secessionists to break up the Union, but whether he did this, not being statesman enough to comprehend the effect of his measures; or whether his purpose was to drive all the slave States into rebellion, thinking he could bring against us men enough, with the aid of a servile insurrection, to overthrow us and abolish Slavery, we are in doubt. If the Union be restored, the War must at once cease.  Our white population and our slaves will resist to the death. I infer from all I can see that Lincoln's measures have united the North. The have certainly united North Carolina. The North must stop her warlike measures and consent to a severance of the government—or the God of Battles must long gloat over the carnage of alienated brethren. Reason has left. Rage controls both sections.

God save the Country.-

Gov. Graham, as I presume you know, is universally respected for every quality which should commend the regard of good and wise men. He was as strong for the Union as Edward Everett till Lincoln's proclamation. I enclose a late speech of his. Have it published in some of your leading papers. Let good men North and South understand each other.

BOSTON, MASS.

SOURCE: J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 150-1

Sunday, October 4, 2020

Jonathan Worth’s Address to People Of Randolph And Alamance, January 31, 1861

To My Constituents of the Counties of Randolph and Alamance:

On the 28th of February next you are called upon, by the question of a an act of the General Assembly, by your vote to declare whether or not you want a State Convention, restricted to the consideration of our National Affairs; and also, at the same time, to vote for delegates for said Convention, in case a majority of the whole State shall call it. The Act provides that the action of the Convention shall have no validity until ratified by a vote of the people. I voted against this act because neither the Constitution of the United States, nor of this State, contemplates any such convention, and because I can see no way by which it can do any good, and I fear it may do much mischief. Such a convention is a modern invention of South Carolina, to bring about a sort of legalized revolution. It has been adopted in most of the Southern States. All its original advocates were disunionists. Wherever such a convention has assembled, it has asserted the power to sever the State from the Union, and declare it an independent government. Under my oath to support the Constitution of the United States, I could not vote to call a convention to overthrow that instrument. I thought it improper for the General Assembly to ask you whether you want an unconstitutional Convention. What can it do o lt can do nothing only as a revolutionary body. Everybody looks for a remedy for our national troubles, to an amendment of the Constitution of the United States. The Fifth Article of the Constitution of the United States prescribes two modes of amendment. I give you the words:

“The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution; or on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid, for all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratifical by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress.”

Our wise fathers did not intend that the great fundamental law—the Constitution—should be lightly altered. If bare majorities of the popular vote could have altered it, a written Constitution would have been idle.

You will see that there are two constitutional modes of amendment. Congress has been endeavoring to agree on amendments. There is little prospect that two-thirds of both houses can agree on anything. The members were all elected as partizans. Many of them have indulged in crimination and recrimination in mutual abuse of each other till they are not in the temper to act as patriots and statesmen. They have become excited—excited men rarely act prudently and wisely. The other mode of amendment has not been tried. Shall we not try all constitutional modes of amendment before we resort to strange and unconstitutional modes? That other mode seems peculiarly adapted to our present condition. Let a National Convention be called. Surely two-thirds of the State will join in such a call. If called, it is hoped wise and discreet men, not men lately engaged in party strife, will be called to fill it. Can anybody doubt that such an assembly could compose the National commotions. I do not doubt it. The provision for such a convention, in common with all their works, shows the forecast and wisdom of our fathers. In such an assembly, composed of calm and prudent men, all sections could be heard, could interchange views, each could make some concessions to the feelings and prejudices of others, the same sort of concession we all have to make to each other in religion, morals, and everything else, which makes civilized society.

They would agree on a basis of settlement. In all the States excepting South Carolina, perhaps in a few other Southern States, the people still cherish a love for the name of Washington and for the Union. The doings of such a convention would be likely to be heartily ratified by three-fourths of the States. At all events let no one break up this great Union till we have fully tried all constitutional modes of amendment.

If the proposed State Convention does what its most ardent advocates desire it to do, it will be what all conventions south of us have done—declare the State out of the Union and an independent State. Every artifice will be employed to make you believe that a convention is to be 
called to save the Union. Believe it not. It is true, many members who are Union men voted for submitting it to a vote of the people whether they would have a convention or not, throwing upon you, with little time to consider, a responsibility which I think they should have met themselves. A majority refused to pass an amendment allowing you to endorse on your tickets whether you are for Union or disunion. It will be said that the convention can do no harm since whatever it may do will have no validity till ratified by you. The disunion leaders boldly maintain that the Legislature can not restrict the convention, that it may pass whatever ordinance it pleases, regardless of the restraints attempted to be imposed upon it by the Act of Assembly; and that it may, or may not, at its pleasure, submit its action to the people for ratification. If war begins it will probably be brought on during the sitting of the convention.

It is now the policy of disunionists to postpone hostilities until President Buchanan goes out and President Lincoln comes in. They will probably court a fight as soon as Lincoln takes the reins. If war shall have actually commenced before the convention closes its session, and an ordinance of secession be passed, it is to be feared that its action will not be referred to the people for ratification. Not one of the five States which seceded, though acting under no emergency, has submitted its action to the people for ratification. We have not yet exhausted constitutional remedies. We can not have exhausted them before this convention shall assemble. Believe not those who may tell you this convention is called to save the Union. It is called to destroy it. If you desire to preserve the Union vote “No Convention,” and at the same time, be careful for whom you vote as delegates.

When we shall have seen what the Commissioners shall effect, who are to meet in Washington on the 4th of February, to look for a remedy for the National disturbances, when we shall have called for a National Convention and it shall be refused, or shall have failed to accomplish a pacification, it will be time enough to resort to revolution. I think that those only should vote for a convention who regard disunion as the only remedy for the disease of the times.

I have felt it due to you to present this hasty explanation of my views, on a momentous question on which you are called upon to vote with such extraordinary haste.

To go into a discussion of the ground on which the disunionists claim that we ought to dissolve the Union, would require more time than I could properly withdraw from my legislative duties. I content myself with saying that I have carefully read nearly all the debates in Congress, and I see no sufficient reason for abandoning the counsels of the Father of his Country, and the Government under which we have become the freest and most powerful nation of the earth, and launching, probably through civil war, upon the dark sea of experiment.

JoNAThAN WorTh.
January 31, 1860 [sic]

SOURCES: “Circular,” Fayetteville Semi-Weekly Observer, Fayetteville, North Carolina, published February 7, 1861, p. 2;  J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 129-33

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, February 7, 1863

(Private)
New Orleans, February 7th, 1863.

Dear Sir: I wrote you by the last steamer expressing a wish to receive the office of “Commissioner of Internal Revenue” which you so kindly offerred. I now repeat the wish, and am ready to commence operations whenever you direct.

The great military movement up the West side of the Mississippi has commenced to-day or will commence in a day or two. The bayous leading from the Teche and near there, lead right through to Red River, so that light draft boats can go through them above Port Hudson. About 9,000 men will advance in one column.

A rumor prevails here among the secessionists that we have been whipped off Mobile and that Ship Island is captured. The story is without foundation, though you may see it in N. Y. papers. A very strong feeling is arising among the planters against Gen. Banks. The reason is that he is not sufficiently pro-slavery to suit them. I think statements have been sent to Washington that he has commenced speculating. I am confident such charges are entirely false. 1 do not think Gen. Banks a great commander, but believe him to be completely honest.

Admiral Farragut has gone out to sea in his flagship, the "Hartford"—probably for the purpose of visiting the various blockading vessels along the coast.

In my next I shall have occasion to say something more about Dr. Zachary.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 356-7

Tuesday, October 15, 2019

“Red Stick” to Isaac M. Keeler, November 22, 1861

FRIEND KEELER:—As I have a few spare moments I thought I would indite a few lines to you, letting you know that the central division of the American army of the Department of Cumberland is still remaining at this point.  When our large army will move forward it is impossible to tell.  The indications are not very flattering.  I predict that our division of troops will not advance very far from this camp.  It looks as if we would go into winter quarters between this point and Green River.

Our army is large enough for an advance, but it looks as if this was a peaceful war against the rebels.  Our delays are expensive and give the rebels time to fortify.  There is no need of such dilatory action.  Let the war be pushed forward with vigor, for by rapid movements we gain much.  By remaining here, the rebels gain every advantage, and our forces are put to the necessity of reducing strong fortifications.  Our movements could be forward, for if any advantages are to be gained, let our forces gain them.  There is too much red tape governing the action of our army.  We have remained here over five weeks, and winter is upon us, and yet no battle has been fought; no victory tells of the bravery of our men, and no trophies tell of daring exploits, forced marches or hardships endured by our soldiers, for the preservation of the American Union and of Free institutions.  Our army is inactive, but if tried by the Kentucky rebels, they will find us ready and effective.  But it seems as if the army contractors who are plundering from the government treasure are anxious to prolong this war for their own selfish purposes.  But the people are getting tired of such extravagant work.—They demand prompt action and efficient prosecution of this war, until traitors cease to exist and the Banner of the Free waves in triumph over every state in the American Union.

The men around here are secessionists, but to swear the dogs and let them go, seems to be the policy of those in power.  The rebels are constantly getting information from our camp, and reporting our acts to their rebel chieftains.—Here we see the rebel signals very near every night, and our picket guards are within gun shot of the “tarnel red skins,” yet we remain inactive.  But we yield obedience to all orders, however repugnant they may be to our sense of right and justice.  We are government machines set to any tune it may desire to play.

Yesterday our regiment (the 49th) was out on picket guard.  It was a gloomy day, the mud being about knee deep, but it seemed to go well for a change.  Companies A and F were on the extreme right, the farthest from camp and at points where rebel balls have pierced union hearts.  Company A is from Findlay, Ohio; its officers are gentlemen in every sense of the word.  Capt. A. Langworthy is one of God’s noblemen.  He is small in statue [sic], but I don’t think any other little man every had so large a heart.  Lieut. Sam. Gray is considered the best looking man in the regiment and is an able and efficient officer.  Lieut. Davidson was one of the Kansas warriors, and exerted himself to free Kansas from the blighting curse of slavery.  His fame shall live forever.

Lieut. Gray was out last night scouting, and I learn captured a secessionist at a distillery.  The rats get dry, they must come out of their holes.

Yesterday afternoon about dusk, Capt. Bartlett and eight men captured four secessionists, who have been firing upon our picket guards for a long time back without bloodshed.  He went through a defile in the woods to an old forsaken house, where no one would suppose white men would live and found them in the garret asleep.  His entrance around the sleeping villains, but they dare not resist, and surrendered themselves as prisoners.  They were brought into camp this morning amid the hearty plaudits of our volunteers.  They looked hard.

Capt. James Patterson and John, the scout, are now out scouting.  We look for them to-night.  John is a negro and makes a valuable man in the scouting service.

The regiment have received their overcoats.  They are a dark blue.  They boys are satisfied with them, and make a good appearance.

Kentucky’s fairest daughters do not compare with Sandusky county girls.  They are not so large or handsome.  But I find the “school marms” are from the North, hence the people here have some advantages which we enjoy at home.

Our boys have built a bake-oven.  They are great on improvements, and their inventive genius has been let loose.  Daniel Jacobson seems to be ahead so far in that line.  The oven is a perfect success, and better bread cannot be found any where than baked in it.  It is an old fashioned mud oven, and it might be said of it, science directed and Corporal Wilson Executed.

Ours is the Printer Company.  Five printers belong to it, and we will set the type and take impressions when we get to Bowling Green.

Without bragging, our Orderly Sergeant, John Kessler, cannot be beat, search creation over.—He is always ready, ever willing, and always attentive to the wants of the men.  He is respected and loved by all.

Our regimental officers are good.  Col. Wm. H. Gibson is O. K.  The men will fight for Bill until there is nothing left to fight for.  He is familiar with all, but is endowed with Roman firmness, never flinching, and always at his post.  He is the right man in the right place.

Our Lieutenant Colonel is A. M. Blackman, formerly of Fostoria.  He was in the three month’s service, a Captain under Col. Norton in the Ohio 21st regiment.  He left a history in Western Virginia which the rebels will not very soon forget.  He his courageous, able and efficient, and all the proficiency that has been made in drill by the 49th regiment is due to him.

Our Major is Levi Drake, of Putnam county, Ohio.  He was through the Mexican war, is military by practice and inclination, a good officer and a brave man.

Our Chaplain is Rev. E. H. Bush, son of Erastus Bush, of Fremont.  Hi is a gentleman and a scholar, always attentive to the spiritual wants of his men.

Of Adjutant C. N. Norton nothing need be said by me; he is favorably known by all Fremonters.

Col. Crittenden’s 6th Indiana regiment cleaned out Rain’s store and dwelling houses at Nolin.  Rains was connected in burning Bridges.  They took his chimney down, kicked all the siding off of his house and store, and applied his goods to their benefit.  Every thing was thoroughly cleaned out.

Our army is increasing in strength all the time.  Troops are continually pouring in at this point.  Hurry up the 72nd, for we need more men in Kentucky.  Union men of Sandusky county, come to our rescue.  Come and go with us upon the battle-field, and there prove yourselves worthy of your ancestry.  Let it not be said you was unmindful of the deeds of bravery exhibited by George Croghan and his little band of heroes who so nobly defended Fort Stephenson.  Come as the waves come, clearing out every thing in our course.

To-day our Regiment received orders to be ready at a moment’s notice to march.  Where to or when it is not known.

John Tally came here with Col. Gibson and joined Company F.  He used to be a carpenter at Fremont.  He makes a good soldier.

The men in our regiment are in good health, and are always in good condition.  They have been  seriously exposed, but have so far luckily escaped.

Yours truly,
RED STICK.

SOURCE: “Army Correspondence,” The Freemont Weekly Journal, Freemont, Ohio, Friday, November 22, 1861, p. 2.

Monday, October 14, 2019

Letter from “Red Stick,” December 4, 1861

CAMP NEVIS, Ky., December 4, 1861:—I have another opportunity of talking with my pen to you and to the readers of the JOURNAL.  As expected, we are still here, not knowing when we will advance.  Our force here is sufficient for a good hand to hand encounter with the rebels.  So far we are like Old Maids are said to be: “Ready but not wanted!” It is openly proclaimed in camp to-day that we will be able for an advance as soon as one million freemen unite their destiny with ours, and march from their homes in the Great Free West, for they need a body guard at the houses of every man in the State of Kentucky.

This is a singular war and it must be carried on with more regard to the wishers of the rebels than of interest to the country.  The property of well known secessionists must be strongly guarded and protected.  Away with this childish play.  If there is any law let its supremacy be vindicated.  Let the world know that we are capable of self government.  Let us stop boasting of our Nationality, and have a rigid enforcement of all laws.

The health of the 49th regiment is fast improving, and the men are satisfied.  They endure a soldier’s life like old campaigners.  The friends of soldiers in the 49th regiment need have no fears, for no man suffers.  They have plenty to eat of good and substantial food, but our Camp does not abound with luxuries.  It is hard bread, bacon, rice, beef, potatoes, coffee, &c.; the &c. being what is accidently picked up by the men.  They also have sufficient clothes to keep them dry and warm. All that we require of friends at home, is to write us cheering letters and not forget to send us the papers.

On Thanksgiving Day, while our friends in Ohio were living on the fat of the land—I know that in many households a seat was vacant at the festive board by the absence of a son, husband or father, who had gone forth to battle for their country—our Thanksgiving was passed on picket guard!  For thirty-six hours we stood at the post of duty, during the whole of which time it rained very hard.  We were compelled to ford creeks where the water was three feet deep, and during the whole time lived upon two scanty meals.  With the creeks and the rain together we get pretty thoroughly soaked, but not a murmur was heard.

Lieut. Wilcox is on the sick list, but he is now convalescent, and bids fair to soon be entirely recovered.

On the third day of December it snowed all day, and we now have about seven inches of snow, good skating and excellent sleighing.—The boys only regret that the Buckeye girls they left behind could not enjoy the pleasure of a sleigh with them.

Capt. Bartlett and squad of men, have gone out rabbit-hunting.  By the way, the captain is extremely popular with his men.

This morning Capt. Lovejoy accidently shot himself in the mouth with his revolver.  The ball lodged in the upper jaw.  The wound is not considered dangerous.

So far the Paymaster has not made the acquaintance of the 49th regiment, but we are all anxious for an introduction.

In the 49th regiment we have Bob Morris’ Sheep Skin Band, whose music reminds one of the croackings of the bull-frogs in some dismal swamp.  Their music is unearthly and should be abolished.

John Stoner, a Printer boy in Company F, makes a good soldier.

The railroad bridge across salt river has washed away and cut of supplies.  Some regiments are reported as having nothing but bacon and coffee.  With them hard bread would be a luxury.

Winter has come, and with it its pelting storms, but we hope it may not be a “winter of discontent.

We are willing, if necessary, to have the 72nd regiment track the 49th in their victorious marches, through snow-drifts and rivers of ice making our tracks traceable by bloody footsteps upon the frozen snow.  Our blood may chill but our love of country shall remain unchilled forever.

RED STICK.

SOURCE: “Army Correspondence,” The Freemont Weekly Journal, Freemont, Ohio, Friday, December 13, 1861, p. 2.

Friday, October 11, 2019

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, April 30, 1861

Headquarters Department of Annapolis, April 30th, 1861

To Lieut. Gen’l. WINFIELD Scott, General in Chief U.S. Army,
WASHINGTON, D.C.

GENERAL: Col. Corcoran, of the Sixty ninth N. Y. Regiment, sent to me under arrest a man calling himself Edward Grandval, whose voluntary examination was taken by me in writing, read over to and signed by him. The evidence upon which he has been arrested has been fully seen and weighed, and from it I find that it is substantially proved that the prisoner lately came to Baltimore from the Capital of the Confederate States; that he went into correspondence with one Beach, the Editor of the Baltimore Sun Newspaper, a known enemy of the Union, and known by the prisoner to be such at the time he entered his service, whatever that service was; that he made a written proposal to Mr. Beach to place himself at or as near as possible to Annapolis, there to gather what information he could of the movements and numbers of the troops, to forward the same to Beach by private hand; that on Friday evening he entered upon that duty, and was engaged about it until yesterday morning when he was arrested.

There was found upon him this engagement which he endeavored to destroy, and also portions of a letter which he said had been written by one Alexander in order to procure him his engagement. All but the latter part and the signature was destroyed. There was evidence that he was lurking around Col. Corcoran's Quarters, endeavoring to obtain information of the men as to the forces of his command, that he attempted to tamper with the men, telling them of the forces of the secessionists and that they were ready to receive them as their brothers if they would come over to them. He had examined the private quarters of Col. Corcoran for papers, had taken there a Revolver. His statement in his examination was transparently improbable, and made no impression upon the mind either of his truthfulness or propriety of conduct. From the evidence I have no doubt that he was sent as a Spy upon our movements, and it is for the Commanding General to direct what course shall be pursued. My own opinion is that the utmost severity is needed towards such a person.

Under the guise of bearer of dispatches and reporters of newspapers we are overrun by the meanest and most despicable kind of Spies, who add impudence and brazen effrontery to traitorous and lying reports with which to injure us. I had forgotten to mention that one part of his engagement was that he was to receive a pass from Gen’l. Trimble. I await orders from Headquarters.

Very respectfully, Yr. Obdt. Servt.
BENJ. F. BUTLER

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 59-60

Friday, April 26, 2019

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, January 15, 1863

(Private)
New Orleans, January 16th, 1863.

Dear Sir: I have just been informed by Gen. Banks that the expedition to the Teche under Weitzel, was completely successful and accomplished all he intended. The rebels had in the Bayou a large and powerful gunboat called the “Cotton,” which boat got aground below their fortifications. This boat we destroyed. They have no other boats in any of the bayous below Red River.

Gen. Banks can now take the Teche country whenever he pleases. Weitzel's force has returned, but, I judge, Gen. Banks intends occupying the country by flank movement according to suggestions made by me at first.

I hear much complaint of Gen. Banks that he has not accomplished, or prepared to accomplish, anything — that his time is occupied in listening to complaints of secessionists — that four weeks of fine weather have been lost without military operations — that no step has been taken to open the river — and other similar complaints.

Gen. Banks told me this morning, he cannot yet undertake the opening of the river, because he has no cavalry — no transportation — no medicines, &c. He says everything has been done that ought to have been — and that he shall operate up the River at the earliest day possible. I will say one thing strongly in his favor — that he conceals his plans (whatever they may be) perfectly — and I hardly think even the members of his staff know his intentions.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 350

Thursday, February 7, 2019

Governor John A. Andrew to Caleb Cushing, April 27, 1861

April 27, 1861.
Hon. Caleb Cushing.

Sir, — Under the responsibilities of this hour, — remitted both as a man and a magistrate to the solemn judgment of conscience and honor, — I must remember only that great cause of constitutional liberty and of civilization itself referred to the dread arbitrament of arms. And I am bound to say that although our personal relations have always been agreeable to myself, and notwithstanding your many great qualities fitting you for usefulness; yet your relation to public affairs, your frequently avowed opinions touching the ideas and sentiments of Massachusetts; your intimacy of social, political and sympathetic intercourse with the leading secessionists of the Rebel States, maintained for years, and never (unless at this moment) discontinued, — forbid my finding you any place in the council or the camp. I am compelled sadly to declare that, were I to accept your offer, I should dishearten numerous good and loyal men, and tend to demoralize our military service. How gladly I would have made another reply to your note of the 25th inst., which I had the honor to receive yesterday, I need not declare, nor attempt to express the painful reluctance with which this is written.

Faithfully your obedient servant,
John A. Andrew, Governor.

SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A. Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 197-8