Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 4, 1862

We started early this morning, steadily tramping till a little after noon, when we entered the town of Hamilton, the rebs leaving as our advance went in.

Here we made a long halt, as the men were sore, sick, and lame, as well as tired and hungry. Surgeon Ware made an examination here, and as it was as far as the transports could be with us, he decided to send back what men had succumbed. Our company had two. The unfortunates were put aboard a miserable tub of a boat, with about two hundred sick men on her, and sleeping room for about fifty; but after nearly five days on the crowded, ill-ventilated, poorly provisioned craft, we arrived at New Berne on Sunday morning, Nov. 9th, marched to the old camp-ground, and were received by the guard whom we left there. They washed us, and put us to bed, and then took care of us till we were on our feet again. We had good quarters in the surgeon's tent, and only worried for fear the regiment would come home in the dark, and catch us napping in the officers' quarters.

Rumors are abundant to the effect that the regiment is cut to pieces, but no work for the sick ones, so we write letters by the dozen, smoke, and tell stories of our campaign to the camp-guard. But the company must be looked up.

They started from Hamilton about seven P.M., of the 4th, marching through town with fireworks. Many of the buildings were in flames, having been fired in retaliation, our men being shot at from the houses. Others say the town was burned because a rebel picket shot one of our soldiers on the outskirts of the town. If that was so, it was a wrong done to private property.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 19-20

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, August 23, 1861

Colonel ——— to-day complains that I have too much force employed in the hospital, and says that he will cut it down. The regulations allow ten nurses and two cooks to the regiment, besides Surgeons, and Hospital Steward. All I have, are three nurses and two cooks. Will he dare to cut that down? Should he do so I will "try conclusions" as to his authority to do it. Three nurses, for one hundred sick, and that must be cut down! Nor is this all. The Quartermaster, taking his cue from the Colonel, refuses to acknowledge our right to a hospital fund, and I therefore get but few comforts for the sick, except through charity or a fight for it. It is to be hoped that these officers will, by a little more experience, become better posted in their duties, and that the sick will not then be considered interlopers, or intruders on the comforts of the regiment. I forgot to say, in the proper place, that we are brigaded, forming a part of Gen. Rufus King's brigade, composed of four regiments.

I have not yet donned the full uniform of my rank, and there is scarcely a day passes that I do not get a reproving hint on the subject from our Colonel. A few days ago, whilst in Baltimore, he came to me almost railing at certain army officers for appearing in citizens' dress. "There," said he, "is Major B., Major K., Gen. D., Doct. N. P., all of the regular army, and not one of whom can be distinguished from a private citizen." "Colonel," I replied, "they probably fear being mistaken for volunteer officers. He did not feel flattered, but dropped the subject. Since I came here, I think I can tell a man's calibre by his shoulder-straps. The amount of brain is generally in inverse proportion to the size of his straps.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 18

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, October 29, 1862

Those of us who are on guard to-day are having a “soft time.” We have our orders to start at three to-morrow morning. The boys are busy packing, receiving cartridges, &c.; the cooks are hard at work in their department, and the surgeon is hunting for men to guard camp. We were afraid the guard were to be left, but the captain says he won't forget us. The knapsacks are to be stored in the officers' tents, and we are ordered to get all the sleep we can from now till four to-morrow, perhaps the last nap under cover for weeks.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 16

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, July 31, 1861

On the 19th of June, 1861, the 5th Regiment of Wisconsin Vols., being partially organized, went into camp at Madison, Wis. Here it remained for a time, perfecting its organization, drilling and preparing itself for the hardships, the dangers, and the responsibilities to be encountered in the battle-field, against a people warlike and chivalric; a people who are taught to regard physical courage, and recklessness of physical danger, as the noblest qualities of the human race, and a people whose chief pride was to win in fight, whether with individuals or in masses; but a people, who, having entrusted their politics to professed politicians, were misled to believe that, by their brothers of the Northern States of this Union, their rights of property were invaded, and their homes were coveted as a prize for distribution amongst the overgrown population of the North. But to enter into a discussion of the merits of this rebellion, now devastating the most beautiful country known to man, carrying in its march a passover of beggary, of destitution, and of death, is not in accordance with the object of this little book. It is therefore passed over, that the reader may at once be permitted to enter into a detail of the subjects indicated in our preface.

From the time of the commencement of the rebellion, by actual war on Fort Sumter, in April of this year, its settlement by rapid and decisive victories over the rebels was subject of merriment, and looked on as matter of course. We were going to war with a people of not half our numbers, without money, without munitions of war, without navy, without anything in fine of those elements which go to make up the ensemble of a people powerful in war, and we were entering into the strife as a short interlude to the hum-drum vocations of life. "How could a people thus situated hope to compete with the parent Government, rich in every element which makes a great people?" This was the reasoning. In vain were our people told of the character of the Southerners. In vain were they referred to the results of our own rebellion and successful revolutionary war with England. "Oh!" was the reply, "Steamships were not known in those days, and England had to cross the ocean to fight us." "But Hungary, with its population of only 3,000,000, and without revenue, withstood the whole power of Austria, till the hordes of Russia had to be called in to aid in their subjugation." "But Austria had become a superannuated and feeble people." No reasoning would answer. The subjugation of the revolted States was to be a pastime, and could be nothing but a pastime. Thus went on matters, drilling as an amusement, preparatory to the enjoyment of a war, all the results of which were to be on our side, and obtained without sacrifice or suffering.

*          *          *          *          *          *

On the afternoon of the 21st July, 1861, the electric wires brought us the intelligence from Bull Run that our army was whipped, was routed, was scattered in flight. The heart of the whole North received a shock of sadness and of disappointment. Soldiers in camp began to realize that war meant work and danger, and the Regiment of which I was a member at once received orders to be in readiness to march at the earliest possible moment, to hurry to the aid of its companions

in arms. It was in sad plight for the exposures of camp life. ’Twas in the heat of summer, when fevers and diarrhoea prevail in their worst forms. The measles had broken out in camp, and one-third of the soldiers were suffering from disease of some kind. Nevertheless, active preparation went on, and on the fourth day after the receipt of the sad news the Regiment was on its way to battle.

On the 27th of July we reached Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and went into Camp Curtin. For months this had been a rendezvous for regiment after regiment. The grounds had not been cleaned—the weather was intensely hot, without a leaf to intercept the scorching rays of the sun. The stench of the camp was intolerable, and the sickness of the troops rapidly increased.¹

On the 29th of July, at night, we received orders to be ready to march at 3 o'clock next morning. Our destination was supposed to be Harper's Ferry, where we were at once to engage the enemy and to "wind up the war." So great was the excitement (these things were all new then) that very few laid down for rest during the night. At 3 A. M., of the 30th, all tents were struck and rolled up; mess chests were packed, and everyone ready for the order to move. But sunrise came and found us sitting on our packages. The day wore on, I think the hottest I ever experienced. The troops remained exposed to the broiling sun till 2 o'clock P. M., when we embarked on open platform cars, without seats, and without covering. We ran down through the city, crossed the Susquehannah Bridge, halted, and remained sitting or standing in the sun till evening. The heat of the day, determining the circulation to the skin, had brought out the eruption in many cases of measles, and the poor fellows had to sit and suffer, without a place to lie down, or even a back to lean against. At dusk we found ourselves again under way; ran down to York, Pa., about forty miles. It had now commenced raining, and the cars were run out from the depot, and the suffering men who had been all day washed with their own perspiration, were compelled to sit all night in the rain. Sick or well, 'twas all the same. None were permitted to leave the open cars and go back into the depot. Towards morning the rain stopped; the wind shifted suddenly to the Northwest, and it was cold as November. After the long tedious night of suffering, the morning came, and we ran down to Baltimore, arriving there at 8 o'clock on the morning of July 31st.

We had anticipated trouble here. We disembarked, marched with muskets loaded, and bayonets fixed, from north to south through the entire length of the city, without molestation, except from the scowls of secessionists, and the welcoming hurrahs of friends.² At the Camden Street depot we remained in the most uncomfortable condition which it is possible to conceive till sunset, when we were ordered for the twentieth time during the day to "fall in." We disembarked, marched about two and a half miles, and camped on an elevated ground to the north of, and overlooking a large part of the city and bay. The regiment did not get settled till midnight, and many were so exhausted that they threw themselves on the ground, with their clothes still wet from the previous night's rain. The medical department, however, succeeded by 10 o'clock in getting up tents to protect the sick, and they were made as comfortable as the circumstances would permit.

Here the regiment remained till the 8th of August, without any occurrences worthy of note, except that sickness continued to increase, and the knowledge I gained as to how little some military commanders cared for the comfort of their sick men. After we had been here five or six days, the Colonel was positively ignorant of the fact that we had a hospital on the ground, though there were three within fifty feet of his quarters, filled to their utmost capacity with the sick and suffering. I was now receiving but little support in my efforts for their health and comfort.

_______________

¹ I made it my business to visit every tent twice a day, to see that they were thoroughly cleaned, and that the sides of the tent were raised so as freely to admit a current of air. But here the air without was so foul as to improve the condition inside but little. I will here say, however, that the Surgeon of a Regiment who does not visit every tent in his encampment at least once a day, to satisfy himself by personal inspection that it is thoroughly cleaned and ventilated, and that at least once a week the tents are all struck, and the sun admitted for several hours to the ground on which they stand, is not deserving of the position which he holds.

² Only two companies were armed. They were placed one in front, the other in the rear of the Regiment, and so marched through the city.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 5-9

Diary of Dr. Alfred L. Castleman, August 9, 1861

What a wonderful effect the hardships of camp life, with the troubles and cares which they entail on a surgeon, have had on my health. For many years I have been dyspeptic. Now I can eat what I please, and go without sleep almost entirely, and suffer no inconvenience. Last night, at 11 o'clock, after having ate a piece of hard salt beef for my supper, I "cared for" a pint of rich ice cream, and feel no inconvenience from it to-day. This would kill an ordinary civil man. I have to work very hard, but feel it a great comfort to work amongst the sick without suffering from fatigue, as I have been accustomed to.

Having received an order this morning from Gen. Dix to put all my sick into general hospital, and finding them bitterly opposed, I visited Fort McHenry, saw Gen. D., and prevailed on him to rescind the order.

I was highly gratified with what I saw at Fort McHenry. It, being the first equipped fort I ever saw, was an object of much interest; its numerous cannon, large enough for a small soldier to sleep in, pointing in all directions overlooking Baltimore and guarding all the approaches to it. No matter from what direction you come, you find these monster guns looking right in your face. Low down behind the walls lie almost innumerable ugly bull-dog-looking mortars, not over two and a half feet long, loaded with a 20 to 40-pound shells filling them to the very muzzle, and ready to be vomited forth at the first approach of trouble. There, too, is the great Dahlgren, stretching its long black neck away beyond the embrasures, as if looking for an object into which to pour its monster shot and shell, or its shower of grape and cannister. Its howitzers are there, and its great Columbiads, into some of which I was strongly tempted to crawl and take a nap, but a sudden recollection of the history of Jonah reminded me that its stomach, too, might sicken, and that I might awake in a trip across the mighty deep on the wings of the wind. I didn't go in. The bright little brass 6, 8, and 10pounders, on the greater number of which Napoleon said God always smiled in battles, were conspicuous amongst these great leviathans, and above all, the newly invented rifle cannon, ready to demolish ships or houses at two to five miles distance.

Have lost no man yet from sickness, but I have one who, I fear, will not recover. He is supposed to be poisoned by a glass of lemonade, bought of a man suspected of being a rebel.

I have succeeded, by selling a half barrel of flour, and by the approval of a small requisition made on the commissary, in getting provisions of all kinds to make my little detachment comfortable.

SOURCE: Alfred L. Castleman, The Army of the Potomac. Behind the Scenes. A Diary of Unwritten History; From the Organization of the Army, by General George B. McClellan, to the close of the Campaign in Virginia about the First Day January, 1863, p. 10-12

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, August 30, 1862

Our first morning in camp. We were rudely awakened and dragged from our bunks at six o’clock, very few being used to such early hours, except perhaps on 4th of July, and were expected to be on the parade ground before our eyes were fairly open.

My advice is if you ever enlist again, start with buckle or congress boots, or none at all, don’t wear laced ones. Why Thereby hangs a tale. One man who wore laced boots was late, consequently had to fall in at the foot of the column. In a minute or two, around came the adjutant and some other officer, who wanted a man for guard. The man who was late at roll-call, was detailed of course. He went without a word was posted on the edge of a pond his orders being “Keep this water from being defiled, allow no privates to bathe here, let only the officers bathe and the cooks draw water to cook with.” The orders were fulfilled, but the poor guard was forgotten, and paced up and mostly down (as it was a pleasant grassy sward,) till eleven o clock. That was his first experience of guard duty, and he always owed a grudge to the sergeant of that guard and his laced boots.

Meanwhile, the company, left standing in the street, with their towels, combs, &c., proceeded to the water, where the pride of many a family got down on his knees, and went through the farce of a toilet, and then back to breakfast.

To-day we have been busy cleaning up and getting ready for our friends from home. It has been as novel a day as last night was new, it is a great change, but we will conquer this, and probably worse.

Our friends began to arrive about three o clock, and by supper-time the barracks were well filled, many remaining to supper so shawls and blankets were spread upon the ground, and we gave them a sample of our food. The coffee was good but so hot, and having no saucer with which to cool the beverage, we had to leave it till the last course. Our plates were plated with tin, but very shallow, and as bean soup was our principal course we had some little trouble in engineering it from the cook s quarters to our tables. We must not forget the bread, it was made by the State, and by the looks, had been owned by the State since the Mexican war. We had never seen the like, and begged to be excused from enduring much of it at a time. (We afterwards found no occasion to grumble at our food, for as you may remember, we were looked after well during our whole service. We had as good rations as any one could wish, but here, within ten miles of home, we felt that this was rough on the boys.)

For a week, little was done but feed and drill us, to toughen us for the dim future, and the furloughs were granted very freely. We were soon astonished to find that we had for a surgeon, a man who meant business. Among other things, he thought government clothes were all that we needed, so spring and fall overcoats and fancy dry goods had to be bundled up and sent home. All our good things were cleaned out, everything was contraband excepting what the government

allowed. We had always thought it a free country, but this broke in on our individual ideas of personal freedom, and we began to think we were fast losing all trace of civil rights, and becoming soldiers pure and simple. Nothing could be brought into camp by our friends unless we could eat it before the next morning but goodies would come, and as we had to eat them, of course we were sick.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 6-7

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Joseph Stockton, September 11, 1862

PADUCAH, KY.  On Saturday morning about five o'clock we were ordered to be ready to march in twenty-five minutes. We soon learned our destination was Paducah. We embarked at Cairo on board the "Fair Play." This boat had been captured from the rebels. We arrived here in the night time and on Sunday morning disembarked. This is a beautiful place and much preferable to Cairo. We are encamped on the banks of the Tennessee river on a bluff about fifty feet above the river and on a sandy soil which soon dries after a rain. On our arrival I was appointed "officer of the day" and had to make the grand rounds, which means to visit all the pickets. I had to ride about fifteen miles in a drenching rain at 12 o'clock at night but I did not mind it as I was only too glad to have something to do. Men are all better satisfied at getting south of the Ohio River as they feel they are now in the enemy's country. We are kept busy drilling in battalion drill which to me is preferable to company drill. There are a great many secessionists in this place and no doubt but what our movements are made known to the rebel officers daily. I forgot to say that our surgeon, Dr. E. Powell, is one of the best in the service. 1st Assistant Surgeon Dr. Durham is only a beginner.

SOURCE: Joseph Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph Stockton, p. 2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, November 28, 1863

November 28.

My decision to resign my commission was a little depressing, and may have had some influence in bringing on the attack of vertigo, but once decided upon and another surgeon found to take my place it has given me no more trouble. When a surgeon has not enough physical vigor to meet the ordinary exigencies of a regiment in the field, it is clearly his duty to resign, regardless of personal attachments or his own choice. After five months of struggle for strength to endure work in this climate, I take this step. To have sustained the relation of surgeon to the 1st S. C. Vols. and to have found in these brave freedmen, the noble, soldierly qualities which history will celebrate, and, above all, to have found such an unlooked for wealth of intellect, music and religion, is not this experience running over with compensation? As I think of it I am ashamed of any regrets at leaving and filled only with gratitude that I have been permitted to help this race begin to assert its rights to freedom. .

Since our skirmish with the rebels the other day they have condescended to ask a flag of truce with the Major of our regiment who was in command at the picket. The regiment returned to camp today. This is peculiarly gratifying since it indicates that they are compelled to respect the bravery of negro soldiers. They evidently mourn over the loss of their dogs a good deal more than over the loss of an equal or greater number of officers and soldiers. Uncle York says he "sposes ebery dog's wuth mo'n ten mens to de revels."

Capt. Rogers prepared the skin and bones of one of the dogs and took it North to be set up. His good boy "Si" for whom he risked his life at the Ferry, last summer, was followed by some of this same pack of hounds while escaping from bondage. He has gone to New York with the Captain.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 396-7

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, December 2, 1863

December 2, 1863.

Today is the anniversary of the date of my commission of surgeon, and today I have tendered its resignation on surgeon's certificate of disability. If it gets perfectly red-taped by the first of the year I shall be glad.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 397

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 3, 1863

April 3.

You would laugh to see me tonight in this naked, floorless tent, without fire, the rain pouring upon my canvass roof and my candle flickering in the wind. During our absence the new regiment took our tent floors and we are on the sand. These drafted men are merged into the second regiment. I shall be delighted if the surgeon of that regiment ever makes his appearance. Dr. Hawks is one of the examiners of the exempts and as all have to be cared for, we three have quite enough to do. Dr. Minor looks fatigued and it would not surprise me if he should have to haul off for rest. Everybody loves him.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 385

Official Reports of the Reoccupation of Jacksonville, Florida, by Union Forces, March 10, 1863: No. 2. — Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army, commanding District of East Florida.

No. 2.

Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army, commanding District of East Florida.

HDQRS. PROV. FORCES, DISTRICT EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, March 14, 1863.

GENERAL: 1 have the honor to report that on the 10th instant I received information from Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, commanding forces at Camp Finegan, of the arrival at Jacksonville of five gunboats and transports, and the landing of a large number of Abolition troops, said to be negroes. I immediately issued orders by telegraph and express trains for the concentration of all the troops which I could reach within the space of four or five days at the camp in the immediate vicinity of Jacksonville, prepared to check any movement of the enemy by land into the interior. To do this I am compelled to leave with entirely inadequate, protection many important points on the coast whence negroes may escape in large numbers to the enemy and where they have easy access to the interior.

On the same evening I proceeded to the camp, arriving there near midnight. I here found that the enemy had landed from five gunboats and transports, and he had occupied the town with so much celerity and secrecy as to have surrounded it with his pickets before the people generally were aware of his presence.

The next morning I made a reconnaissance in person, with the cavalry companies of Captains Stephens and Chambers, of the Second Florida Cavalry, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, of the same regiment, and directed Major Brevard, commanding First Battalion Partisan Rangers, with the companies of Captains Mays, Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, numbering 200 men, to advance to the immediate vicinity of the town, and cut off, capture, or kill their other pickets. The cavalry detachment under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, which I accompanied, advanced into the suburbs of the town, where we found the enemy posted in strong picket force. We were fired upon by their first pickets without effect, except the disabling of 1 or 2 horses, and drove them into the town. Proceeding farther, we encountered a stronger force, which I estimated to be about two companies of infantry, drawn up in line of battle and advantageously posted. These opened on us unexpectedly, firing alternately by platoons and by file, with some degree of regularity. Our men, at great disadvantage of position, returned their fire with effect and drove them in haste and confusion from their position, killing 2 of whom we are certainly advised and wounding 4 or 5, and we have some reason to believe inflicting on them a severe loss. In this skirmish we lost a valuable life in Acting Surgeon Meredith, who accompanied the expedition, and was killed in the second skirmish with the enemy. At this point I had expected to meet the infantry detachment under command of Major Brevard, and with them to have retired from the town, capturing such pickets as were posted still farther out. The road taken was shorter than anticipated, and the two skirmishes with the enemy had accelerated our progress, so that we arrived at the place in advance of the infantry. Being under the range of the enemy's five gunboats and of his field pieces, we withdrew, bringing off the body of Surgeon Meredith.

Later in the day Major Brevard, commanding the infantry detachment, making his way into the suburbs of the town, encountered in the vicinity of the same place one or two companies of the enemy drawn up in line under cover of the trees and a house. Feeling the party with skirmishers, he then opened on them with his entire command, when they broke and fled in confusion, having first, however, returned his fire. Major Brevard then withdrew his command, and, although the enemy opened on them with shell from their gunboats, escaped without loss, having inflicted, as we believe, some loss on the enemy. We have ascertained from the reconnaissances and other sources of information that the enemy are certainly in large force in Jacksonville; that they are negroes, with white commissioned officers, company and field, and generally mulatto non-commissioned officers. From the best information that we can gather there may be 4,000 negroes now in the place, with perhaps one company of white troops. That they are expecting re-enforcements and have strongly fortified the place, having cut down all the trees, of which there were a great number, and made of them barricades and abatis; that they have posted field pieces in all the streets and covering the approaches, and have burned the houses from the river out beyond the suburbs of the town, so as to enable them to sweep with their heavy guns the whole country in rear and on either side of the place. They keep five boats with guns of long range in front and on the sides of the town, thus enabling them from the conformation of the ground to cover the country for several miles. The object of these formidable preparations, as we gather from our people who have been allowed to come out and as indicated by the probabilities of the case, is to hold the town of Jacksonville and then to advance up the Saint John's in their gunboats and establish another secure position higher up the river, whence they may entice the slaves. That the entire negro population of East Florida will be lost and the country ruined there cannot be a doubt, unless the means of holding the Saint John's River are immediately supplied. The next movement of the enemy will be to Palatka, and it may be to-day or to-morrow, and will necessitate the division of the force here concentrated. In a short time a similar landing may be effected in the vicinity of Fernandina and another division of the force required. It is impossible to do anything of importance unless I obtain the means asked for. All positions on the river, with the superior weight and number of the enemy's guns, are untenable with the means which I possess. I hope the commanding general will be able to supply me with the means absolutely necessary for the preservation of the people of this district. With the four siege guns asked for I can drive off the enemy's gunboats preparatory to an attack on the town.

I am to-day advised that the regiment of white troops in Saint Augustine have been ordered to re-enforce the enemy at Jacksonville. It is more probable, however, that they will proceed to Palatka, which is an easy march of 30 miles, through an open country, and there establish themselves. With the means at my command I shall not be able to prevent it.

To appreciate the danger of the permanent establishment of these posts of negro troops on the Saint John's River I respectfully submit to the commanding general that a consideration of the topography of the country will exhibit the fact that the entire planting interest of East Florida lies within easy communication of the river; that intercourse will immediately commence between negroes on the plantations and those in the enemy's service; that this intercourse will be conducted through swamps and under cover of the night, and cannot be prevented. A few weeks will suffice to corrupt the entire slave population of East Florida.

I herewith transmit a copy of an address which I deemed it my duty to publish to the people of the State, and which I trust will meet the approval of the commanding general; also a copy of general orders, complimentary to the conduct of officers and men of this command in the two skirmishes of the 11th instant.

The whole force which I am able to concentrate at this point, after leaving exposed many important points, will be less than 1,000 men (of all arms). I further beg leave to urge upon the commanding general the necessity of supplying me with 300 or 400 Enfield rifles and necessary ammunition for new recruits and new companies.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOS. FINEGAN,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding District of Florida.

Brig. Gen. THOMAS JORDAN,
        Chief of Staff.

[Inclosure No. 1.]

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, Fla., March 13, 1863

I feel it my duty as brigadier-general commanding this district to inform the people of the district and of the State that our unscrupulous enemy has landed a large force of negroes, under command of white officers, at Jacksonville, under cover of gunboats. He is attempting to fortify the place so as to make it secure against attacks. The purpose of this movement is obvious and need not be mentioned in direct terms. It is sufficient to inspire the whole body of the people with a renewed and sterner purpose of resistance. I therefore call on such of the citizens as can possibly leave their homes to arm and organize themselves into companies without delay and to report to me. Ammunition, subsistence, and transportation will be furnished them while they remain in service. I further ask the zealous co-operation of the whole people in forcing into service all persons within the conscript age who yet remain out. With the blessing of the Almighty, the zealous support of the people and the Government, I doubt not that the detestable foe will soon be driven from their cover.

JOS. FINEGAN,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding.

[Inclosure No. 2.]

General ORDERS,} No.—,

HDQRS. DISTRICT OF EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, March 11, 1863.

The brigadier-general commanding desires to notice in general orders the coolness and daring exhibited by the officers and men of this command of detachments of the companies of Capt. W. E. Chambers and Capt. Winston Stephens, of Second Florida Cavalry, and of the companies of Capts. S. W. Mays, P.B. Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, under the command of Maj. T. W. Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers, in two separate skirmishes with the enemy in the suburbs of Jacksonville on this day, These troops advanced with steadfast bravery while within range of his gunboats and attacked and drove him from his cover. The brigadier-general commanding commends the gallant and meritorious conduct in this affair of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, Second Florida Cavalry, commanding cavalry force, and Capts. W. E. Chambers and W. Stephens, of Second Cavalry, and their officers and men, and of Maj. T.W. Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers, commanding infantry force, and his captains, S. W. Mays, P.B. Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, and their officers and men.

The command mourns the loss of Surgeon Meredith, who fell by nobly discharging his duty.

By order of Brigadier-General Finegan, commanding:

W. CALL,        

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 226-9

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, May 9, 1863

Camp near Moss Neck, Va.,        

May 9, 1863.

On Saturday morning (the 2d inst.) I received an order to ship the wounded to Richmond, store our medical supplies and follow the wagon train to Chancellorsville. I carried the chest of supplies to a large house, which Stonewall Jackson had for his headquarters, and was met at the door by a young lady who was whistling. She appeared to be quite aristocratic and was very courteous to us.

We started late in the afternoon, and I marched with the wagon train all night. It was carrying rations and did not stop once. Most of the road was through woods, but we could see well enough to march all night, and in some places there was mud, but no wagon stalled.

Just before daylight I saw a dead Yankee lying close to the right of the road. I did not know until then that there had been any fighting. I knew our command left that morning, but had heard no firing and knew nothing of what had taken place. Just as it was getting light the Yankees threw shells, which burst about the wagons, and the teamsters became excited and began whipping their horses and hurrying to get away; but a quartermaster at once commanded them to keep quiet and get away in good order, and the excitement ceased. The fighting then began just as soon as they could see.

I went on hunting for the field infirmary, and when I found it our wounded were coming back and a few had been brought back before I got there, and I at once went to work assisting in amputations, and continued at it all day and until late at night.

Jackson's men came in from the rear on Saturday night and drove the Yankees from their breastworks and occupied them that morning (Sunday, May 3). The Yankees came back early and tried to retake them, and I could hear them fighting furiously for several hours. We knew nothing of Stonewall Jackson's being shot the night before.

During the assault Colonel Edwards walked along on top of the works waving his sword to encourage his men, and was shot through the shoulder. When he was brought back I helped him out of the ambulance and expressed sympathy for him, which caused him to shed tears, but he said nothing. Colonel James Perrin was brought back shot through the body and in great agony, and General McGowan was struck below the knee while standing upon the works. I saw my brother once during the day bringing a wounded man back.

Captain McFall and Lieutenant Mike Bowers came back looking for stragglers, and found four young men who were known to be cowards, but who were always great braggarts after a battle was over. They all pretended to be sick, but I could see no indications of it, and they were marched off, but, before reaching the works, one of them slipped away, although the fighting had ended.

After all the wounded were attended to I was very tired and went to sleep late that night in a tent. I would wake up cold during the night and reach out for a jug of whiskey and take a swallow and go back to sleep again.

The next morning (Monday the 4th) we did nothing. Several handsome young Yankee surgeons in fine uniforms came over with a white flag, and I went to where they were attending to their wounded. While there I talked with a wounded man from Ohio, and saw one of our soldiers cut a forked limb from a tree and make a crutch for a Yankee who was wounded in the foot. The unfed horses of a Yankee cavalry regiment had been hitched to the trees near by and had gnawed off all the bark within their reach.

We stayed there for three days until the Yankees crossed back over the Rappahannock River, and then we marched back to Moss Neck in the daytime in peace and found our tents standing where we left them.

SOURCE: Dr. Spencer G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 50-3

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 8, 1863

CAMP SAXTON, BEAUFORT, February 8, 1863.

I feel that it was a little cowardly in me to run away from camp yesterday, but I knew that three of our good soldiers must die within a few hours and I could do no more for them. It is just impossible for me to get used to losing patients. Such death is equivalent to losing some vital part of one's self. This comes from distrust of myself, rather than of God. Our sick list is rapidly lessening and all will soon be as usual. I have this afternoon conversed with a pro-slavery surgeon, who has had much to do with negroes. I thought he seemed rather pleased in making the statement that their power of endurance was not equal to that of the whites. I nevertheless gathered valuable information and hints relative to their treatment. If I am permitted to remain in this regiment a year I shall prove that, while the blacks are subject to quite different diseases from those of the whites, the mortality among them will average less and the available strength or efficiency will average more. This is the season for white soldiers to be well and blacks to be ill. . .

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 359

Dr. Spencer G. Welch to Cordelia Strother Welch, September 3, 1862

Ox Hill, Va.,        

September 3, 1862.

I was in the battle at Manassas and made several very narrow escapes. I had to go on the field there, although it was Dr. Kilgore's place to go, and not mine, but he was afraid to go. On Monday (September 1) at this place I came very near being killed; for a bombshell barely did miss me and burst right at me. I stood the late terrible march surprisingly well, but I have learned what hunger and hardships are. I would often lie down at night on the bare ground without a blanket or anything else to cover with and would wonder what my dear wife would think if she could see me lying there. We have had some dreadful sufferings, especially on these forced marches. The fatigue and the pangs of hunger were fearful.

We marched fast all day Monday and all day Tuesday (August 25 and 26) and until late Tuesday night, when we bivouacked in a field of tall grass near Bristow Station. Bob Land spread his wet horse blanket on a bare spot, and we lay on it and covered with his blanket and went to sleep without supper. The country was a waste, and I heard no sound of a chicken, cow or dog during the night.

The next morning (Wednesday) we got up before day and marched fast to Manassas Junction, and almost kept up with the cavalry. We found sutlers' stores and trainloads of flour and meat, and we captured a few prisoners. I went into a sutler's tent and got three days' rations of ham, crackers and salt. Before noon we started towards Washington, and after marching three or four miles we marched back to Manassas Junction again late that afternoon and found many prisoners and negroes there, who were all sent away towards Groveton. We staid there that night, and all the cars and everything were set on fire about the same time. We were very tired, and all day lay down on the ground, but I remained awake for some time watching the fire, which burned fiercely. Thursday morning (28th) we marched nearly to Centreville, and from there towards Groveton, and Ewell's command got into a fight late that afternoon on our right. We remained there and bivouacked in the oak forest where our brigade fought next day.

Next morning (Friday) we had breakfast, and I ate with Adjutant Goggans. Our command then took position in the woods near the cut of an unfinished railroad and sent out skirmishers, who soon retreated and fell back on the main line. The Yankee line came up quite near and fired into us from our right, and Goggans was shot through the body. I remained some distance in rear of our line and saw Mike Bowers, Dave Suber and two other men bringing someone back on a litter, and I said: “Mike, who is that?" and he said: "Goggans," just as they tumbled him down. I looked at him as he was gasping his last, and he died at once. Then the wounded who could walk began to come back, and those who could not were brought to me on litters. I did all I could for them until the ambulances could carry them to the field infirmary, and this continued until late in the afternoon.

I saw an Irishman from South Carolina bringing a wounded Irishman from Pennsylvania back and at the same time scolding him for fighting us. Colonel McGowan came limping back, shot through the thigh, but he refused to ride, and said: “Take men who are worse hurt than I am." Colonel Marshall and Lieutenant-Colonel Leadbetter were brought back mortally wounded.

Shells came over to us occasionally as if thrown at our reserves, and would burst among the men and overhead, but they paid no attention to them and kept very quiet. I did not hear anyone say one word. An occasional spent ball fell near by and one knocked up the dust close to me, but the trees were thick and stopped most of the bullets short of us. The Yankees charged us seven times during the day and were driven back every time. Their lines were always preceded by skirmishers. One ran into the railroad cut and sat down, and Jim Wood shot him dead.

Our brigade was not relieved until about four o'clock. They had been fighting all day and their losses were very heavy. I saw General Fields, commanding a Virginia brigade, ride in on our left to relieve us, and I then went back to the field infirmary, where I saw large numbers of wounded lying on the ground as thick as a drove of hogs in a lot. They were groaning and crying out with pain, and those shot in the bowels were crying for water. Jake Fellers had his arm amputated without chloroform. I held the artery and Dr. Huot cut it off by candle light. We continued to operate until late at night and attended to all our wounded. I was very tired and slept on the ground.

We did nothing Saturday morning (30th). There were several thousand prisoners near by, and I went where they were and talked with some of them. Dr. Evans, the brigade surgeon, went to see General Lee, and General Lee told him the battle would begin that morning at about ten o'clock and would cease in about two hours, which occurred exactly as he said. Our brigade was not engaged, and we spent the day sending the wounded to Richmond.

Early Sunday morning (31st) we started away, and I passed by where Goggans' body lay. Near him lay the body of Captain Smith of Spartanburg. Both were greatly swollen and had been robbed of their trousers and shoes by our own soldiers, who were ragged and barefooted, and did it from necessity. We passed on over the battlefield where the dead and wounded Yankees lay. They had fallen between the lines and had remained there without attention since Friday. We marched all day on the road northward and traveled about twelve miles.

The next morning (September 1) we continued our march towards Fairfax Court House, and had a battle late that afternoon at Ox Hill during a violent thunderstorm.

Shell were thrown at us and one struck in the road and burst within three or four feet of me. Several burst near Colonel Edwards as he rode along, but he did not pay the slightest attention to them. There were flashes and keen cracks of lightning near by and hard showers of rain fell. The Yankees had a strong position on a hill on the right side of the road, but our men left the road and I could see them hurrying up the hill with skirmishers in advance of the line.

I went into a horse lot and established a field infirmary, and saw an old lady and her daughter fleeing from a cottage and crossing the lot in the rain. The old lady could not keep up and the daughter kept stopping and urging her mother to hurry. The bullets were striking all about the yard of their house.

Lieutenant Leopard from Lexington was brought back to me with both his legs torn off below the knees by a shell, and another man with part of his arm torn off, but neither Dr. Kenedy, Dr. Kilgore nor our medical wagon was with us, and I had nothing with me to give them but morphine. They both died during night. The battle continued till night came on and stopped it. We filled the carriage house, barn and stable with our wounded, but I could do but little for them. Colonel Edwards was furious, and told me to tell the other doctors "for God's sake to keep with their command."

After doing all I could for the wounded, my brother, my servant Wilson, and myself went into the orchard and took pine poles from a fence and spread them on the wet ground to sleep on. I discovered a small chicken roosting in a peach tree and caught it, and Wilson skinned it and broiled it, and it was all we three had to eat that day. Wilson got two good blankets off the battlefield with “U. S." on them, and we spread one on the poles and covered with the other.

The next morning the Yankees were gone. Their General, Kearney, was killed and some of their wounded fell into our hands. The two other doctors with our medical supplies did not get there until morning, and many of our wounded died during the night. I found one helpless man lying under a blanket between two men who were dead.

We drew two days' rations of crackers and bacon about ten o'clock, and I ate them all and was still very hungry. I walked over on the hill and saw a few dead Yankees. They had become stiff, and one was lying on his back with an arm held up. I picked up a good musket and carried it back with me to the house and gave it to the young lady I saw running away the day before. She thanked me for it, and seemed very much pleased to have it as a memento of the battle.

Late that afternoon we drew rations again, and I ate everything without satisfying my hunger. A soldier came from another command and said he heard I had some salt, and he offered me a shoulder of fresh pork for some. Wilson cooked it and I ate it without crackers, but was still hungry. During the night I became very sick from overeating, and next morning when the regiment left I was too sick to march. Billie, Mose Cappock, Billy Caldwell and myself all got sick from the same cause. We are all sleeping in the carriage house, and I have sent Wilson out into the country to get something for us to eat.

We hope to be able to go on and catch up with the regiment in a day or two. It has gone in the direction of Harper's Ferry.

SOURCE: Dr. Spenser G. Welch, A Confederate Surgeon's Letters to His Wife, p. 23-31

Major-General William T. Sherman: General Orders, No. 44, June 9, 1863

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 44.}

HDQRS. FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPS,        

Walnut Hills, Miss., June 9, 1863.

To prevent communication between the enemy, now closely invested in Vicksburg, and their friends and adherents without, the following rules must be observed on the north front:

A continuous chain of sentinels must extend from the Mississippi River to the main Jackson road, along our front trenches. These sentinels will act as sharpshooters or pickets, and must be posted daily, and be instructed that no human being must pass into or out of Vicksburg, unless on strictly military duty, or as prisoners.

These sentinels must connect, one with another, the whole line; but division commanders may prescribe the posts, so that the length of line for each sentinel will depend on its nature.

All the ground, no matter how seemingly impracticable, must be watched.

The reserves and reliefs will be by brigades or divisions, according to the nature of the ground; but the post of his reserve must be known to each sentinel, and be within call.

I. General Steele will be held responsible for the front, from the Mississippi to the valley now occupied by General Thayer, to be known as "Abbott's Valley."

II. General Tuttle, from Abbott's Valley to the Graveyard road, at the point near the head of our "sap," to be known as "Washington Knoll?

III. General Blair, from Washington Knoll to where he connects with General McPherson's troops, at or near the point now occupied by General Ransom's advanced rifle-pits, to be known as "Ransom's Hill."

IV. The battalion of regulars, commanded by Captain Smith, will keep guards along all the roads leading to the front, and will arrest all soldiers absent from their regiments without proper authority, and turn back all officers not provided with written orders or passes from the commanders of their brigades or divisions.

Soldiers or citizens (not regular sutlers within the proper limits of their regiments) found peddling will be put under guard, and set to work on roads or trenches, and their wares turned into the hospital or distributed among the soldiers on duty.

Horses, mules, or any species of property found in possession of stragglers or absentees from duty, will be turned in to the corps quartermaster, a memorandum receipt taken, and sent to the corps inspector-general.

V. Colonel Eldridge, One hundred and twenty-seventh Illinois, will guard the Yazoo City road, at Chickasaw Creek, and also the bridges across the bayou, and will enforce at those points the same general orders as above prescribed.

VI. Colonel Judy, of the One hundred and fourteenth Illinois, will guard the road at the picket station near Templeton's, with vedettes on the by-roads leading therefrom north and east, and enforce similar general orders.

VII. In every regiment, troop, or company there must be at least three roll-calls daily—at reveille, retreat, and tattoo, and any commander who cannot account for every man in his command, at all times, will be liable for neglect of duty. He cannot shift his responsibility to an orderly sergeant.

The inspector-general of the corps may, and will, frequently visit camps, call for the rolls, and see that captains and colonels can account for every man.

VIII. Surgeons in charge of corps and division hospitals will notify regimental commanders of the admission and discharge of men at their hospitals, and furnish lists of men so admitted or discharged to the proper military commander.

Corps and division inspector-generals may, and will, frequently visit such hospitals, and satisfy themselves that no officers or soldiers are in hospital, except such as are admitted for treatment or regularly detailed as nurses.

IX. All commanders of divisions, brigades, regiments, and detached companies will be held responsible that their camps are not encumbered with surplus wagons, tents, horses, mules, tools, sutlers' trash, or anything that will prevent their raising camp at a moment's notice and taking up the march against an enemy to our front, flank, or rear.

X. The magnificent task assigned to this army should inspire every officer and soldier to sacrifice everything of comfort, ease, or pleasure to the one sole object, "success," now apparently within our grasp. A little more hard work, great vigilance, and a short struggle, and Vicksburg is ours.

By order of Maj. Gen. W. T. Sherman:

R. M. SAWYER,        

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 394-5

Abstract of the Report of Mr. John Eaton, Freedmen's Superintendent for Tennesee

Prepared, for the President, by the

American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission.

__________________

Abstract of Mr. John Eaton's Report.

He was appointed by the General commanding in the Department of Tennesee to assume general supervision of the Freedmen Dec. 17. 1862.

He states forcibly the difficulties of his new and untried field; and acknowledges the considerate attention and support ever given to him by the General commanding.

The negroes were flocking in and swarming confusedly around the military post.

The first thing was to gather and tabulate the statistics of their number & condition.

Statistics.

There were, or had been, over twenty-two thousand colored refugees under the care or observation of the various Superintendents at Corinth, Grand Junction, Memphis, La Grange, Providence La. Cairo Ill. Jackson Tenn., and Columbus Ky.

Some of these had, in various ways, gone back to slavery; others had found Northern homes.

General statistics were gathered concerning 6747 persons at Corinth, Grand Junction and Memphis. Of these 1372 were men, 2224 women, and 1372 children. About half of these were Africans; the rest of mixed blood. About a hundred were mechanics; about a thousand cooks or laundresses. Nearly two hundred could read, and about forty read and write.

Clothing.

They usually came within our lines wretchedly clad, some having hardly enough to cover their nakedness, a few, however, had borrowed good clothing of their masters, for their journey.

They were generally soon made comfortable in this respect by supplies from the Government, and by gifts from the North.

Shelter.

They were sheltered in tents, in barracks or in old or deserted houses; but in many cases, men made cabins for themselves.

Rations.

In most cases soldiers rations were issued to them as soon as they came; at some places however not until later. The rations seem to have generally been sufficient and satisfactory.

Property brought with them.

They brought in with them horses, oxen, mules, wagons, yokes, chains &c, besides some cotton; of which they had “spoiled the Egyptians—”.

Much of this property however was taken from them by officers and soldiers who appropriated it to their private use; the rest was turned over to the Quarter-master. So generally were they rewarded for having spoiled their and our enemies, by being spoiled in return, that it is noted as a remarkable fact, that they were righteously allowed at La Grange, to sell two ox-teams for their own benefit.

Hospital Arrangements.

Many fell sick; and in most cases, they seem to have been, all things considered, well provided for in hospitals, and to have been kindly treated.

It is reported however that at Memphis, there was shameful neglect and mismanagement on the part of surgeons and officials.

Treatment by Officers & Others.

Where they were gathered in Camps, located near our forces, they seem to have suffered a good deal of brutal treatment at the hands of the soldiers; especially at first, when white guards alone were employed.

When removed from the vicinity of the army, and especially since colored guards have been employed, the evils have lessened.

The Superintendent generally reports that they have had assistance and encouragement in their work of beneficence from the superior officers and U. S. Officials.

Too often however, the soldiers and lower officers, have shown their contempt for the work's of mercy; and have treated the colored people most brutally. This of course encouraged vicious and disloyal citizens to follow the bent of their prejudices and passions, and to heap upon the poor refugees indignities and cruelties of the most abominable kind.

Labor and Service

It seems by the report from the various posts that most of these people were supposed to have merely exchanged masters; and were expected as a mater of course to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the United States without pay and even without clothing.

To a question upon this matter the following replies were given:

“Corinth  “All men except the infirm, and few for camp were employed. All women, saving those having large families, or small children; — generally reported industrious and faithful, when well-treated. Many have worked from 2 to 12 months, and never received a cent, or a rag, yet, as reward, alike as private servants, and Government employees.

“Cairo  “Many employed in Quarter Master Department & Post-Hospitals. Cannot give definite numbers.

“Gnd Junction  “All the men, but feeble, employed by Government, or individuals, or in camp; — have cut wood and lumber — handled goods, erected defences. One hundred and fifty went to Vicksburg, — many in Q. M. and Commissary Departments. Women & children pick cotton for Government & for private individuals.

“Holly Springs and Memphis.  “A large amount for each.

“Memphis.  “Average able-bodied men for the month eighty-five. Erecting cabins — preparing camp — many have been turned over to different Departments, sometimes most grossly abused; as for instance, some worked all day in water, drenched, nearly frozen, and then driven to tents for shelter, to sheds for sleep without covering and almost without fire and food. They have come back to die by scores. Wages seldom paid — none in Hospitals. The services of a large number have been stolen out-right.

“Bolivar. “None employed by individuals; many for Government; building fortifications; cutting wood, rolling logs, running saw mills, and in Q. M. Dp'ts. and Hospitals no general system of pay.

Providence  Digging canal — picking cotton.

Assistants.

There is no mention of any lack of assistants. Besides those regularly employed some have volunteered and done good service.

Instruction.

There seems to have been no regular provision for instructions. Some good Samaritans volunteered to teach on Sunday, and at other times; and there were, at some posts, schools kept regularly for a few weeks.

Mention is made of preparations to build school-houses.

Motives for coming into our lines.

All the testimony goes to show that the slaves had almost universally a strong desire to be free, and a vague idea that fleeing to the enemies of their masters would make them free.

The immediate cause of their running away, was, in a great many cases, a fear of being baulked of freedom by being sold “down South”. Many alledge cruel treatment as the cause. They seldom however manifest any desire of revenge upon their masters.

Some had a clear and precise idea that the war was to bring emancipation, and acted upon that idea.

They seem to have left their homes reluctantly, and only to gain freedom; for they all manifest strong local attachment; they wish to return to their homes if they can go there as free men; and never wish to go Northward, unless urged by fears of being re-enslaved.

The fact that, although free, they are obliged to work does not appear to have surprised them, or to have made them repent their flight.

Of their intelligence.

Most of the Superintendents say they were agreeably surprised at the degree of intelligence shown by the refugees. They seem to have a concealed stock of ideas and knowledge, and to draw upon it in case of need. Many who usually seemed stupid, and were held to be nearly idiotic, showed great ingenuity in shirking what they deemed overtasks; and they became bright and clever when it came to contriving means for escaping from bondage.

Their ideas of freedom,

vary of course with their degree of intelligence. There was a general idea that freedom would come as the result of the war. They wished to be free from the necessity of working for others, but not from the necessity of working for themselves.

Their ideas of property

varied likewise with their intelligence, though all had a distinct sense of ownership of certain property, as their kitchen utensils, and the like. These were “their own, not master's”. The more intelligent extended the idea of ownership to other things. Some had been accumulating money for many months in view of their flight.

Honesty.

The general testimony is that they had no sense of honesty, as towards their masters and oppressors. Towards their friends and others, they seem to be about on the same moral plane as other people of like grade of culture.

One Superintendent says:

“I verily believe that their habits in this particular have not been so thoroughly prostituted by the influence of all the centuries of their degradation in slavery as have those of our patriot soldiery, in two years of war.”

Their willingness to work .

when they have any pay or hopes of pay is almost universally vouched for. In many cases they worked patiently and faithfully even when not paid, and not fully assured that they would be paid.

The Superintendent at Corinth says:

“So far as I have tested it, better than I anticipated. They are Willing to work for money, except in waiting on the sick. One hundred and fifty hands gathered 500 acres of cotton in less than three weeks — much of which time was bad weather. The owner admitted that it was done quicker than it could have been done with slaves. When detailed for service, they generally remained till honorably discharged, even when badly treated. I am well satisfied, from careful calculations, that the freedmen of this Camp and District have netted the Government, over and above all their expenses, including rations, tents, &c., at least $3000. per month, independent of what the women do, and all the property brought through our lines from the rebels.”

Religion.

The universal testimony is that they have a strong religious disposition. They have great veneration. They have in their stock (or race), all the elements upon which can be grafted true religion, which will bring forth abundant fruit in good works. As yet however they show only emotional religion. They pray, sing, shout hallelujahs, and make a great religious display, but they have never been taught to live religious lives.

The Superintendent at Holly Springs and Memphis bears striking testimony upon to the truth of this:

“Great majority religious.— They are Baptists or Methodists. Their notions of the leading doctrines of the Bible are remarkably correct— Justification, repentance, faith, holiness, heaven, hell,. They are not troubled, like educated white men, with unbelief.

“Notions of doctrine better than to be expected. Practices not always in accordance with their notions, as is also true of other colors. Have been taught to make their religion one of feeling, not necessarily affecting their living. If one finds himself susceptible to religious excitement or sentiment, he is a religious man, though at the same time he may lie, steal, drink, and commit adultery.”

Their Marital Relations,

in the language of the Superintendent at Corinth, “were all wrong”.

Neither they nor their fathers had been allowed to marry, “as white folks do.” They understood that the main object of their masters in bringing the sexes together was to have them beget children; therefore they argued they might promote that object out of, as well as in, marriage bonds.

Three of the Superintendents report thus:

“Most of them have no idea of the sacredness of the marriage tie; declaring that marriage, as it exists among the whites, has been impossible for them. In other cases, the marriage relation exists in all its sacredness without legal sanction.

“The greater number have lived together as husband and wife, by mutual consent. In many cases, strongly attached and faithful, though having no legal marriage.

“They know what marriage is among the whites, but have yielded to the sad necessity of their case. Generally, I believe the men to be faithful to the women with whom they live, and the women to reward their faith with like truth. Free and married, they will maintain the marital relations as sacredly as any other race.

The policy of Arming the Refugees,

is urged by all the Superintendents. One says:

“I believe in giving them their freedom by their swords. Policy and humanity say, Arm the negro. History affords all the necessary precedents for liberating slaves and arming them as soldiers, to fight in defence of their county. Blacks fought in the Revolutionary struggle, and in the War of 1812. Let them fight in the war for their own liberty.”

The Superintendent at Memphis takes up the same strain and says:

“Yes, arm him! It will do him worlds of good. He will know then that he has rights, and dare maintain them — a grand step towards manhood. Arm him! for our country needs soldiers. These men will make good soldiers. Arm him! for the rebels need enemies, and heaven knows the blacks have reason to be that. Once armed and drilled, the black man will be an enemy the rebels will neither love nor despise. Arm him, and let the world see the black man on a vast scale returning good for evil, helping with blood and life the cause of the race which hated, oppressed and scorned him.”

Finally the Superintendent at La Grange says:

“Arm them at once. We can hurt the rebels more by the use of the negro than by any others means in our power. Arm him — use him; do it speedily. Why leave him to labor for our enemy, and thus keep up the strife? Arm him — he is a man — he will fight — he can save the Union. I pledge you and the world they will make good soldiers.”

Mr. Eaton assumes the facts thus reported to him by various Superintendents as premisses from which he draws his conclusions and upon which he bases his plan for the

Management of the colored refugees.

The main facts are:

First, — that nearly twenty three thousand slaves have fled to our lines in that Departments.

Second.— that, save a very few returned to slavery, the great majority have disappeared from official notice by fusing in with the general population, and earning their livelihood by labor which is profitable to themselves and to the community.

Third.— That a small proportion only of these have ever been dependent upon the Government; the greatest number of full rations ever issued being only 5500.

The whole cost of their support and supervision has been far less than what has been gained by Government; for if, by stretch of fancy, we suppose them to be paid their wages, the rate of these wages is so much less than their real value that a large margin of profit remains. In his words: “if the Freedmen could be, and were excluded from this Department, and white laborers employed, the Government would pay out forty-two thousand six hundred and sixty-one dollars per month, more than it now does for the same work, and the support of all idle and feeble Freedmen.”

Moreover their labor, while its loss cripples the rebellion, aids our cause in various ways.

Fourth.— That it is morally certain that the Exodus from Slavery will largely increase.

In his words: “Should the knowledge of the Proclamation continue to increase and general destitution prevail in the rebellious districts, what may we not expect? Already in certain quarters they receive but one meal of meat pr. day, they have not had their regular supply of clothing since the out-break of the rebellion. I have conclusive evidence that in the very centres of Alabama the slave population is already possessed of no indifferent idea of what the Proclamation declares in their behalf.”

Fifth.— That there should be some clear and well defined provision made by Government for the management of such of the refugees as do not at once fuse in with the community, and especially during the early part of their sojourn within our lines.

He then proposes plan, the main features of which are these: “A distinct class of officers could be provided similar to the various military corps, the Engineer, medical, the Chief directly responsible to the Secretary of War, a subordinate reporting so far as necessary to each Department Commander, and his subordinates located at Posts or centres of Districts, where the presence of these freed people require supervision and where their labor on the soil may be safe from guerrilla or other barbarities.”

x x x

“The supervisors of freedmen held to most rigid accountability, guarded against any corruption, also by the presence of the officer of another Department, holding themselves military rank, vested with competent authority, and supported by a military organization of blacks at their command either as militia or regular troops or both, should enroll all blacks, men, women and children, put in the hands of each the description of his person, location, employment or name of employer; requiring all not voluntarily engaging according to fixed or reasonable rates with authorized persons, to labor under the direction of Government agents who should have charge of camps in which there should be ample provision for the industry whether mechanical, horticultural or agricultural, of all coming in and not otherwise employed; also fit provision for sick, for all permanently or temporarily dependent, whether old, young, or infirm, all contracts should be made through the proper Superintendent, and recorded, and none should be changed without his consent, or broken without punishment to the offender; there should be no change of location without his permit. This supervision should permit no abuse, should guard all relations between man and man, should lay at once the foundations of society, providing schools supported by tax upon property or income from labor alike in communities and in camps, requiring the attendance of all with certain limitations of age and season; enforcing the laws of marriage, of the relations of husband and wife, child and parent, during the minority of the former, opening alike communities and camps for religious instruction to well disposed and properly authorized persons who might come to labor among them; should regulate all trade, not only so that it might not aid the rebellion, but so as to free the blacks from imposition invited by their ignorance, indeed, should meet according to order every exigency arising in the affairs of these freed people, whether physical, social or educational, so far as is possible and is accordant with the genius of our free institutions, and the spirit of American Christian civilization.

“The exercise of military authority being entirely under control of the Executive, could not only adjust itself to all grades of intelligence and enterprise among these people and to current changes, but be withdrawn in part or altogether at any moment desirable.”

Mr Eaton recommends that, whenever feasible the refugees should be put to work upon lands abandoned and forfeited by rebels.

“In all cities”, he says, “the management of these people becomes a matter especially important. In Memphis there are a large number either idle, concealed in byways, in old houses, or controlled by the money of the disloyal, or otherwise vicious or criminal. Supt Fisk states probably one third of the blacks about town are employed by persons in no wise heartily loyal, while the calls of the various branches of military service, for the labor of contrabands, are beyond any possibility of supply, and significantly asks ought not the Government interest in the entire control of all contraband labor be protected! The Plan, suggested among its other features, by giving every colored man a recorded status, a copy of which he carries with him, not only protects him against abuse, but meets this difficulty by allowing him never to change location, or him or his employer to alter their contract without the consent of the Superintendent.”

Mr. Eaton closes his Report with the following summary of his plan for the management of the colored refugees.

“I. Special military provision, as necessary alike to the full military effect of the Proclamation upon the armed rebellion; to the interests of the people declared free, equally with respect to their safe, comfortable and useful conduct through the transition from slavery to freedom, and their fit preparation for their new privileges; Also to the security against servile insurrections and the speediest restoration of Government authority over rebellious States, — of military in preference to civil form, because martial law must prevail over these regions during the war; because more simple, avoiding undesirable questions and complications; and because more easily adjusted to all necessities and changes.

“II. A district corps of officers, especially fit in ability and character — the Chief at Washington, subordinates with Commanders of Departments, and in each District, where necessary, finding their assistants — as far as practicable, among worthy soldiers, unfitted by disease or wounds for active field service.

“III. At points of sufficient security on our coasts or rivers, or near military posts, they receive, locate, record and furnish a copy of written statistics to every colored person, without which he is subject to arrest; according to orders and instructions from the President or Secretary of War, adopt a complete system of regulations, and adjust them to the individual social and educational necessities of these people, enlisting as many able-bodied men as is expedient, either as regular troops or militia, and securing the industry of all as far as possible.

“IV. These regulations should provide for the co-operation of the supervisors of freed people with the corresponding officer or officers of the Treasury Dep't, who should regulate the possession and use of lands, collect taxes, and disburse funds.

“These regulations should provide industry in camps or otherwise for all who did not seek it voluntarily of those occupying lands by authority of the Treasury Dep't; they should provide support, by tax on property or labor, of asylums in connection with camps for all dependent; and of schools in camps and communities, which all, with certain limitations of season and age, should be required to attend; they should facilitate the labors of all authorized persons seeking to promote the good of these people, physically, morally or religiously; employing from among them teachers for the Government schools, and where their labor is rendered gratuitously, furnish rations, quarters and transportation. They should regulate all trade among these freed people, all contracts with them, and punish their violation; and provide for the investment in lands or U. S. Securities of their savings; they should specially enforce the sacredness of the family, of the relation of husband and wife, parent and wif — child, that these people may be introduced the most speedily to the knowledge and practice of all the duties and amenities of Citizenship.”

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Accessed November 3, 2021.