Monday, May 25, 2015

Diary of Mary Brockenbrough Newton: June 17, 1862

The Yankees have returned upon us. They came this morning early, and caught J. W's horse, which they took off. We can hear nothing of General S. We presume he has returned to Richmond. We shall have to pay for it, I dare say, by being robbed, etc.; but if it has done good to the great cause, we do not mind personal loss. We are now honoured with a guard of twenty-five men — why, we are at a loss to conjecture, unless our intercepted letters may have convinced them that we are dangerous characters. We doubtless have the will to do them harm enough, but, surrounded and watched as we are, the power is wanting. Our guard is composed of regulars, who are much more decent men than the volunteers.

C. commenced harvest yesterday, in a small way, but so many servants are gone to the Yankees, that much of the wheat must be lost, and the corn cannot be worked. The milkmaid amused herself at their remarks to them: Ladies, why do you work for white people? You are all free now,” etc., etc.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 144-5

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: December 20, 1863

An order from Imboden for the cadets to march to Buchanan. They started this morning. Mr. P. went at noon. A very cold day.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 174-5

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: December 21, 1863

Averill has escaped! To-day Mr. P. returned; also Eben: all are terribly chagrined at the escape of Averill. We hear thro' a dispatch from Staunton that the enemy is advancing from Harrisonburg. A letter to-night from Sister Julia; thankful that my father is better.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 175

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: December 24, 1863

Making a few simple preparations for Christmas, such as crullers with molasses, and mince pies without sugar or fruit or spirit. The Moncures came back at night, worn out with their bootless marching. They blame E. with the miscarriage of the expedition against Averill.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 175

Major-General George G. Meade to Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman, April 19, 1865

BURKEVILLE, Va.
Headquarters Army of Potomac
April 19, 1865
Lt.-col. Theo. Lyman, A. D. C.

Colonel: — In parting with you after an association of over twenty months, during which time you have served on my Staff, I feel it due to you to express my high sense of the assistance I have received from you, and to bear testimony to the zeal, energy, and gallantry you have displayed in the discharge of your duties. Be assured I shall ever preserve the liveliest reminiscences of our intercourse, and wherever our separate fortunes may take us, I shall ever have a deep interest in your welfare and happiness, which, by the blessing of God, I trust may be long continued.

Most Truly Your Friend
Geo. G. Meade
Maj.-Genl. U. S. A.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 362

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, April 23, 1865

On Board River Queen In Potomac River
April 23, 1865

I think I must write you a letter, though it may get to you not much before the winter, to tell of the end of our campaign. Monday April 10 is a day worthy of description, because I saw the remains of our great opponent, the Army of Northern Virginia. The General proposed to ride through the Rebel lines to General Grant, who was at Appomattox Court House; and he took George and myself as aides; a great chance! for the rest were not allowed to go, no communication being permitted between the armies. At 10.30 we rode off, and, passing along the stage road, soon got to the picket line, where a row of our men were talking comfortably with an opposite row of theirs. There the General sent me ahead to see some general of theirs who might give us a guide through the lines. I rode a little beyond a wood, and came on several regiments, camped there. The arms were neatly stacked and the well-known battle-flags were planted by the arms. The men, looking tired and indifferent, were grouped here and there. I judged they had nothing to eat, for there was no cooking going on. A mounted officer was shown me as General Field, and to him I applied. He looked something like Captain Sleeper, but was extremely moody, though he at once said he would ride back himself to General Meade, by whom he was courteously received, which caused him to thaw out considerably. We rode about a mile and then turned off to General Lee's Headquarters, which consisted in one fly with a camp-fire in front. I believe he had lost most of his baggage in some of the trains, though his establishment is at all times modest. He had ridden out, but, as we turned down the road again, we met him coming up, with three or four Staff officers. As he rode up General Meade took off his cap and said: “Good-morning, General.” Lee, however, did not recognize him, and, when he found who it was, said: “But what are you doing with all that grey in your beard?” To which Meade promptly replied: “You have to answer for most of it!” Lee is, as all agree, a stately-looking man; tall, erect and strongly built, with a full chest. His hair and closely trimmed beard, though thick, are now nearly white. He has a large and well-shaped head, with a brown, clear eye, of unusual depth. His face is sunburnt and rather florid. In manner he is exceedingly grave and dignified — this, I believe, he always has; but there was evidently added an extreme depression, which gave him the air of a man who kept up his pride to the last, but who was entirely overwhelmed. From his speech I judge he was inclined to wander in his thoughts. You would not have recognized a Confederate officer from his dress, which was a blue military overcoat, a high grey hat, and well-brushed riding boots.

As General Meade introduced his two aides, Lee put out his hand and saluted us with all the air of the oldest blood in the world. I did not think, when I left, in '63, for Germantown, that I should ever shake the hand of Robert E. Lee, prisoner of war! He held a long conference with General Meade, while I stood over a fire, with his officers, in the rain. Colonel Marshall, one of his aides, was a very sensible and gentlemanly man, and seemed in good spirits. He told me that, at one time during the retreat, he got no sleep for seventy-two hours, the consequence of which was that his brain did not work at all, or worked all wrong. A quartermaster came up to him and asked by what route he should move his train: to which Marshall replied, in a lucid manner: “Tell the Captain that I should have sent that cane as a present to his baby; but I could not, because the baby turned out to be a girl instead of a boy!” We were talking there together, when there appeared a great oddity — an old man, with an angular, much-wrinkled face, and long, thick white hair, brushed a la Calhoun; a pair of silver spectacles and a high felt hat further set off the countenance, while the legs kept up their claim of eccentricity by encasing themselves in grey blankets, tied somewhat in a bandit fashion. The whole made up no less a person than Henry A. Wise, once Governor of the loyal state of Virginia, now Brigadier-General and prisoner of war. By his first wife he is Meade's brother-in-law, and had been sent for to see him. I think he is punished already enough: old, sick, impoverished, a prisoner, with nothing to live for, not even his son, who was killed at Roanoke Island, he stood there in his old, wet, grey blanket, glad to accept at our hands a pittance of biscuit and coffee, to save him and his Staff from starvation! While they too talked, I asked General Lee after his son “Roonie,”1 who was about there somewhere. It was the “Last Ditch” indeed! He too is punished enough: living at this moment at Richmond, on the food doled out to him by our government, he gets his ration just like the poorest negro in the place! We left Lee, and kept on through the sad remnants of an army that has its place in history. It would have looked a mighty host, if the ghosts of all its soldiers that now sleep between Gettysburg and Lynchburg could have stood there in the lines, beside the living.
_______________

1 He was at Harvard with Lyman.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 359-62

Sunday, May 24, 2015

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, July 24, 1864

The weather is sultry. All is quiet, and no news from the front. I am gaining every day and can be up and around in the ward, but have not yet been out of doors.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 206

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Monday, July 25, 1864

It is hot and sultry. Lieutenant Carey died this morning here in the hospital, from his wounds, after suffering thirty-five days, he having been wounded on the skirmish line on the 15th of June. He was shot in the left thigh, the minie ball glancing from his hip and lodging near the spine. But the doctors were not able to locate it until after his death, when they removed it. I had not seen Lieutenant Carey from the time he was wounded until after he had died, being present when his body was dressed for burial. John Zitler came over to my ward and we went down together. We saw his clothing and other articles packed by the chaplain, who has charge of all the effects of the deceased soldiers, and they will be forwarded to Mrs. Carey at their home in Cedar County, Iowa. Lieutenant Carey's body was buried in his uniform here at Rome, Georgia.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 206-7

William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 8, 1861

Care of Lieut. S. R. Elliott,
10th Co., 79 Regiment, Virginia.

Glebewood, Virginia, July 8th, 1861.
My Dear Mother:

You see from the above that the “sacred soil” continues to be invaded. General Scott is inexorable, so, notwithstanding the protests of the States Right supporters, Regiment after Regiment crosses the line, and the sanctity of the Old Dominion is violated by the desecrating footsteps of the ruthless horsemen. Yesterday we left Georgetown and after two hours march arrived at our present camping ground. A romantic scene it was last night, arriving as we did at an evening hour. But our advent was followed by a dreadful act of destruction! The ruthless invaders charged with full force upon a snake-fence, demolished it, laid the pieces upon four different piles, and set to them the incendiary torch; soon our camp fires were blazing. The men fell into groups, some song-singing, some keeping guard, while here and there hoarse laughter showed that the solemnity of invading the sacred soil did not entirely prevent the outburst of unseasonable hilarity. Then the stars shone brightly, and the comet whisked its tail for us, and the tattoo sounded for sleepy souls to say their prayers before sinking into slumber. But when all was ready, the baggage-wagons were still far from us, lagging sadly behind, so we had no tents to cover us, but lay in the long grass looking upward at the silent stars. Those of us who had brought our blankets were fortunate, those of us who had trusted in an unsoldierly way, for the wagons to bring them to us, and I was one of those, could do naught else than lie without any barrier between us and the bare soil — “sacred soil” — stickey, clayey soil it was too — of the “Sovereign State of Virginia.” Owing to its quality much of it stuck to us, but it being the real “sacred” stuff you know, made us regard our soiled garments with becoming reverence. We woke early this morning, you can imagine, as the sun rises hot in these regions, but we woke in excellent spirits. Our poor little Lieutenant was found after the Reveille, still enjoying his morning dreams. “Fence him in!” the Captain orders. With the greatest alacrity a couple of men took some rails, and while the youth still slept, built a sort of a chicken-coop around him. Then a circle laughing and employing derisive epithets was formed about the unfortunate. At these unwonted sounds our little Lieutenant awoke, looking irresistibly comical, in a state of utter bewilderment. As he released himself from his confinement, he looked so pitiable that the mirth excited was only the more increased.

I saw Ned Tyler yesterday. He is looking well. Much better than I had expected. We had a pleasant time together, though our interview was interrupted by our march hitherward. Major-General Tyler, who is to command our Division I believe, also looked well — and full of business.

Good-bye, Mother. In these times let us put our trust in God and accept the inevitable.

Very affectionately,
Willy.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 49-51

Harriett Plummer Bartlett & Captain William F. Bartlett to Lieutenant-Colonel Francis W. Palfrey, Thursday May 8, 1862

Baltimore, May 8, 1862.
Thursday.

When this note may reach you, or where, I have no idea, but I will “draw a bow at a venture,” knowing you will be very glad to hear of the progress of my patient. Several days have passed since I wrote, and he has been improving in general health and strength, and looking more like himself than I supposed he would in so short a time. The main cause of his troubles gives him almost constant twinges of pain, and he suffers much, although he tries to make very light of it.

Your last favor was written May 1st, but you have since been on the move, and Frank misses your cheerful, kindly missives. I had written thus far when the postman left your note of the 3d, and I have just finished reading it, and will let the one to whom it is addressed dictate his own response.


My Dear Frank, — I have just heard read your short note of the 3d, and am glad for your sake that you have the little Colonel and Major back again. I am very sorry that I did not see them when they passed through here. I expected them every time the door bell rang for three or four days. They probably had to go right through. Give my love to the Colonel; tell him I shall hope to see him before long. Remember me to the Major too. What do they do for horses? I should like to know where you are this morning. I hope your foot did not trouble you when the advance was made. Were you not taken by surprise?

Your “Fourth of July cocktail” at Pitcher's looks more practicable every day. I shall get to Boston before you, though. I will have the house got ready and the table spread against the time you come. I shall be round on crutches (doubtful) in a week, at least that is my plan. I am going to have a man here to measure me for them to-day. Like being measured for a coffin, is it not? Mother writes that last under protest.

My leg has given me a good deal of pain since yesterday, owing to its being too tightly bandaged. The last ligature is away, and it ought to heal rapidly now. The foot that is gone pains me most. It would seem that somebody made it their amusement playing “stick-knife” on it a greater part of the time. I am much better able to bear it now than when I was weak. I smoked my first cigarette day before yesterday, winning thereby a box of cigars from my cousin, who foolishly wagered that amount that I would not smoke for three weeks. Do you know it is just two weeks to-day since I “stopped” so neatly that pretty little bullet at just about this hour?  I think I am very well advanced. I wrote Little yesterday, and gave him a short lecture about his signature. How does the boy Arthur get along? You must take him under your special protection now that I am away. I guess I will resign in favor of Mother. I must get my foot into better discipline. I cannot have it going on this way. Give a great deal of love to all the fellows, and what you please for yourself, from your Frank.


The above was jerked out between spasms of dreadful pain. The surgeon has been here since, and relieved him somewhat, and assures me it is doing remarkably well.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 44-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, September 11, 1862

I find it difficult to hurry Wilkes off with his command. The public, especially the commercial community, are impatient; but Wilkes, like many officers, having got position, likes to exhibit himself and snuff incense. He assumed great credit for promptness, and has sometimes shown it, but not on this occasion. Has been fussing about his vessel until I had, to-day, to give him a pretty peremptory order.

Men in New York, men who are sensible in most things, are the most easily terrified and panic-stricken of any community. They are just now alarmed lest an ironclad steamer may rush in upon them some fine morning while they are asleep and destroy their city. In their imagination, under the teachings of mischievous persons and papers, they suppose every Rebel cruiser is ironclad, while in fact the Rebels have not one ironclad afloat. It only requires a sensation paragraph in the Times to create alarm. The Times is controlled by Seward through Thurlow Weed, and used through him by Stanton. Whenever the army is in trouble and public opinion sets against its management, the Times immediately sets up a howl against the Navy.

Senator Pomeroy of Kansas called yesterday in relation to a scheme, or job, for deporting slaves and colored people to Chiriqui. I cautioned him against committing himself or the Government to Thompson, or any corporation or association. Let him know my opinion of Thompson's project and my opposition to it. Advised him, if anything was seriously and earnestly designed, to go to the Government of New Granada or any of the Spanish-American States and treat with them direct, and not through scheming jobbers. Should suspect P. to have a personal interest in the matter but for the fact that the President, the Blairs, and one or two men of integrity and character favor it.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 122-3

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Sunday, September 7, 1862

Mr. Field called after breakfast, and proposed to go to War Department, and we went together. Met Gurowski, who denounced what he called military usurpation, saying that Franklin's corps, marching out cheered McClellan. Found Stanton, Pope and Wadsworth uneasy on account of critical condition of affairs. Spoke to Stanton about Crook, and he promised to give him a Commission. Saw Halleck and he approved.

Went to President's, and spoke of general Order commending Pope's Army. He thought it due, and said he would speak to Halleck. Coming home met McDowell and I. C. H. Smith. Smith came home with me and spoke of battles, — eulogizing in strong terms both Pope and McDowell. (Referring to my omission to reply to his letter of a year ago, I explained it as well as I could.) Field and Barney came, and I sent for Harrington. Had a long talk about Labor Contract, and dissatisfaction of our friends with Mr. Barney. So far as I could see the dissatisfaction was unreasonable. I said I could not hold the contract to be continuing, unless the Attorney-General should reverse his opinion, of which there was too little probability to warrant postponement of action, and so virtual continuance, until his review of his decision. Said I would gladly oblige party friends, but not at the expense of any breach of public duty. Field and Barney left together, and soon after Harrington.

Received to-day telegram from Paymaster-General of New-York: “Cannot forward troops for want of means to pay State bounty. Will you exchange smaller U. S. Notes for 1000s. and 500s., to enable State to do it?” — Answered “Yes! Be as prompt in sending your troops;” and sent necessary directions to Mr. Cisco.

In the afternoon, McDowell called to say Good-bye. The Court of Inquiry demanded by him had been postponed, and he had fifteen days leave of absence. He went away feeling very sad indeed.

In the night, a large part of the army moved northward, following the force already sent forward to meet the rebels invading Maryland. Generals Burnside, Hooker, Sumner and Reno in command (Burnside chief) as reported.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 68-9

Charles A. Dana to James S. Pike, March 3, 1860

New York, March 3.

My Dear Pike: I reckon that rumor lies this time too. I don't know, of course; but I should need to have strong evidence to make me believe those letters were puffs for lobby use. However, if there is any proof let us have it.

I wish you would come back and go to work here again. Horace rather sweats under the toil, and cries for help now and then. You might as well stay here till the first of June as not.

Yours faithfully,
C. A. Dana.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 500

Major Robert Anderson to Reverend Richard Bache Duane*, December 30, 1860

Fort Sumter, S. C.,
December 30, 1860.

My dear Sir: Your most welcome letter of the 26th of December, received to-day, finds me, as you see, at Fort Sumter. God has been pleased to hear our prayers, and has removed me to this stronghold. Perhaps at the very moment you were writing to me I was by His guidance leading my little band across to this place. I left Fort Moultrie between 5 and 6 P. M., and had my command here by 8 o'clock the same evening. You say that you had marvelled that I had not been ordered to hold Fort Sumter instead of Fort Moultrie. Much has been said about my having come here on my own responsibility. Unwilling to see my little band sacrificed, I determined, after earnestly awaiting instructions as long as I could, to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of extricating myself from my dangerous position. God be praised! He gave me the will and led me in the way. How I do wish that you could have looked down upon us when we threw the stars and stripes to the breeze, at 12 o'clock on the 27th! . . .

I am now, thank God, in a place which will, by His helping, soon be made so strong that the South Carolinians will be madmen if they attack me. There are some alterations and some additions which I wish to have made. The Governor of this State has interdicted all intercourse with the city except that of sending and receiving letters, so that you see we are quasi enemies. Were I disposed to declare myself independent of, to secede from, the General Government and retaliate, I could cut Charleston off from her supplies, but I will show him that I am more of a Christian than to make the innocent suffer for the petty conduct of their Governor.

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

Robert Anderson.

You see it stated that I came here without orders. Fear not! I am sure I can satisfy any tribunal I may be brought before, that I was fully justified in moving my command.
_______________

* Great Grandson of Benjamin Franklin

SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 130

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 8, 1861

How it does rain! Last night there were torrents of water in the streets literally a foot deep. It still runs in muddy whirling streams through the channels, and the rain is falling incessantly from a dull leaden sky. The air is warm and clammy. There are all kind of rumors abroad, and the barbers' shops shook with “shaves” this morning. Sumter, of course, was the main topic. Some reported that the President had promised the Southern Commissioners, through their friend Mr. Campbell, Judge of the Supreme Court, not to use force in respect to Pickens or Sumter. I wrote to Mr. Seward, to ask him if he could enable me to make any definite statement on these important matters. The Southerners are alarmed at the accounts they have received of great activity and preparations in the Brooklyn and Boston navy yards, and declare that “treachery” is meant. I find myself quite incapable of comprehending their position.How can the United States Government be guilty of  “treachery” toward subjects of States which are preparing to assert their independence, unless that Government has been guilty of falsehood or admitted the justice of the decision to which the States had arrived?

As soon as I had finished my letters, I drove over to the Smithsonian Institute, and was most kindly received by Professor Henry, who took me through the library and museum, and introduced me to Professor Baird, who is great in natural history, and more particularly in ornithology. I promised the professors some skins of Himalayan pheasants, as an addition to the collection. In the library we were presented to two very fine and lively rock snakes, or pythons, I believe, some six feet long or more, which moved about with much grace and agility, putting out their forked tongues and hissing sharply when seized by the hand or menaced with a stick. I was told that some persons doubted if serpents hissed; I can answer for it that rock snakes do most audibly. They are not venomous, but their teeth are sharp and needle like. The eye is bright and glistening; the red forked tongue, when protruded, has a rapid vibratory motion, as if it were moved by the muscles which produce the quivering hissing noise. I was much interested by Professor Henry's remarks on the large map of the continent of North America in his study: he pointed out the climatic conditions which determined the use, profits, and necessity of slave labor, and argued that the vast increase of population anticipated in the valley of the Mississippi, and the prophecies of imperial greatness attached to it, were fallacious. He seems to be of opinion that most of the good land of America is already cultivated, and that the crops which it produces tend to exhaust it, so as to compel the cultivators eventually to let it go fallow or to use manure. The fact is, that the influence of the great mountain-chain in the west, which intercepts all the rain on the Pacific side, causes an immense extent of country between the eastern slope of the chain and the Mississippi, as well as the district west of Minnesota, to be perfectly dry and uninhabitable; and, as far as we know, it is as worthless as a moor, except for the pasturage of wild cattle and the like.

On returning to my hotel, I found a note from Mr. Seward, asking me to visit him at nine o'clock. On going to his house, I was shown to the drawing-room, and found there only the Secretary of State, his son, and Mrs. Seward. I made a parti carré for a friendly rubber of whist, and Mr. Seward, who was my partner, talked as he played, so that the score of the game was not favorable. But his talk was very interesting. “All the preparations of which you hear mean this only. The Government, finding the property of the State and Federal forts neglected and left without protection, are determined to take steps to relieve them from that neglect, and to protect them. But we are determined in doing so to make no aggression. The President's inaugural clearly shadows out our policy. We will not go beyond it — we have no intention of doing so — nor will we withdraw from it.” After a time Mr. Seward put down his cards, and told his son to go for a portfolio which he would find in a drawer of his table. Mrs. Seward lighted the drop light of the gas, and on her husband's return with the paper left the room. The Secretary then lit his cigar, gave one to me, and proceeded to read slowly and with marked emphasis, a very long, strong, and able despatch, which he told me was to be read by Mr. Adams, the American Minister in London, to Lord John Russell. It struck me that the tone of the paper was hostile, that there was an undercurrent of menace through it, and that it contained insinuations that Great Britain would interfere to split up the Republic, if she could, and was pleased at the prospect of the dangers which threatened it.

At all the stronger passages Mr. Seward raised his voice, and made a pause at their conclusion as if to challenge remark or approval. At length I could not help saying, that the despatch would, no doubt, have an excellent effect when it came to light in Congress, and that the Americans would think highly of the writer; but I ventured to express an opinion that it would not be quite so acceptable to the Government and people of Great Britain. This Mr. Seward, as an American statesman, had a right to make but a secondary consideration. By affecting to regard Secession as a mere political heresy which can be easily confuted, and by forbidding foreign countries alluding to it, Mr. Seward thinks he can establish the supremacy of his own Government, and at the same time gratify the vanity of the people. Even war with us may not be out of the list of those means which would be available for re-fusing the broken union into a mass once more. However, the Secretary is quite confident in what he calls “reaction.” “When the Southern States,” he says, “see that we mean them no wrong — that we intend no violence to persons, rights, or things — that the Federal Government seeks only to fulfil obligations imposed on it in respect to the national property, they will see their mistake, and one after another they will come back into the union.” Mr. Seward anticipates this process will at once begin, and that Secession will all be done and over in three months — at least, so he says. It was after midnight ere our conversation was over, much of which of course I cannot mention in these pages.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 68-71

John Lothrop Motley to Anna Lothrop Motley, October 18, 1861

Paris, October 18, 1861.

My Dearest Mother:  . . . I have not had an opportunity of seeing the emperor, as he is at Compiegne. I saw the Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Thouvenel, the other day, and had a long talk. So far as words go, he is satisfactory enough.

You are annoyed with the English press, nevertheless it is right to discriminate. The press is not the government, and the present English government has thus far given us no just cause of offense. Moreover, although we have many bitter haters in England, we have many warm friends. I sent you by the last steamer a speech of my friend Mr. Forster to his constituents. No man in England more thoroughly understands American politics than he does. There are few like him. . . .

Good-by, and God bless you, my dear mother.

Ever your affectionate son,
J. L. M

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 207

John M. Forbes to John H. Clifford*, January 27, 1862

New York Cars, January 27, 1862.

My Dear Clifford, — I am going on to Washington by “telegraph,” and may stay a few days. You once gave me a line to Secretary Stanton, but I could not find him, after several calls, he being in court. I wish you would give me such a letter to him as will convince him that I do not come on to steal anything from Uncle Sam. In fact my object is quite the reverse — viz.: to help fight the “legal tender” mongrel, a cross between a folly and a fraud! I may also want to talk coast defense with him.

I have a line to him from the governor, but I also want one from you, to let him know I am no self-seeker, nor office-seeker, nor politician!

Thanks to your suggestions, I gave the joint Committee on Federal Relations a good screed of doctrine, and now hope they will act promptly.

Very truly yours,
J. M. FoRbes.
_______________

* Formerly governor of Massachusetts, and a leading member of the bar in that State. — Ed.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 288-9

Charles Eliot Norton to George William Curtis, December 10, 1863

Shady Hill, Thursday, 10 December, 1863.

. . . Last night we went to hear Beecher. He spoke admirably, and it was a great pleasure to hear him. It was not great oratory, but it was a fine, large, broad, sensible, human, sympathetic performance. To-morrow we have a dinner of our Dozen Club for him.

Once more we may rejoice that Abraham Lincoln is President. How wise and how admirably timed is his Proclamation.1 As a state paper its naiveté is wonderful. Lincoln will introduce a new style into state papers; he will make them sincere, and his honesty will compel even politicians to like virtue. I conceive his character to be on the whole the great net gain from the war. . . .
_______________

1 This proclamation, transmitted to Congress with Lincoln's Third Annual Message, Dec. 8, 1863, provided both for the renewal of allegiance by persons in rebellion and the restoration of state governments under the Union.

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 266

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, February 24, 1862

Cantonment Hicks, February 24, 1862.

Last Friday my two boxes arrived while I was on guard. I had them carried to my tent and invited my friends for Saturday night. Saturday, the 22d, our regiment went into Frederick with the brigade to parade through the streets, so I had a good chance to make my preparations. I borrowed a white tablecloth of a civilian, and the necessary dishes from our mess, silver, etc. Everything came out of the boxes in perfect order; the pudding dish was broken, but the pudding was all right. I found your note describing the contents, stuck to a pie. Dinner was ordered to be ready at half-past five and at that time punctually my guests made their appearance, hungry as bears after their ten-mile tramp. The table had a truly grand and magnificent appearance. In the centre of the white cloth reposed the turkey in all its glorious proportions, filling the air with its fragrance, its flanks and approaches were well guarded by those noble grouse, currant jelly, potatoes, etc. Plates were set for seven: Captains Williams and Russell, Lieutenants Shaw, Horton, Perkins, Oakey and myself. Candles suspended over our heads furnished the light in very festive style. Captain Williams carved the turkey in a most scientific manner, it was splendid; if it had not been for the grouse, there would have been very little but bones taken out of the tent, but the grouse, they were perfection; and now I come to them, I insist on knowing who sent them; the health of the donor, he or she, was drunk in both Sherry and Madeira, and will be drunk again when the name becomes known. Pudding, pies, coffee and cigars followed in proper order, and after a prolonged sitting of four hours we got up from the table convinced that in future years we should remember the 22d of February, not as Washington's birthday, but as the anniversary of our dinner in Cantonment Hicks. The whole affair was a perfect success, and I am truly thankful to you for the pains and trouble you took to make it so. It will stand out as a bright mark in our usual monotonous routine.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 35-6

Saturday, May 23, 2015

Major Wilder Dwight: Tuesday Evening, August 20, 1861


Camp Stampede, Maryland Heights,
Tuesday Evening, August 20, 1861.

A soldier's life is always gay! Yesterday, Colonel Andrews and I went out prospecting, as they say in this country, — reconnoitring, I prefer to call it.

At the Ferry we found a slight panic caused by the reported advent of a few cavalry in the town. Colonel A. and I went on up the mountain and spent the afternoon in looking about, &c. We wound down the new mountain road, built by the immortal Massachusetts Second, just at sunset, after enjoying the glorious views up the two valleys. Then we had a quiet dress-parade, and composed ourselves for the night. Composed ourselves for the night! Here comes the incident of my letter. Now for the catastrophe of my story. The Doctor appeared at the door of my tent, breaking the first sleep, to say the Colonel had just received a special message, and ridden off on horse. I refused to be disturbed or excited, and got asleep again. At half past one the Colonel appeared. “Major, get the tents struck, and set the men cooking rations. I have information that the Rebels are advancing on Harper's Ferry.” Up I went. Captains were awakened. Soon the camp was silently busy on its work for starting. Then I was ordered to saddle my horse and get a messenger to call the Massachusetts Thirteenth, Colonel Leonard, from Sharpsburg. I went galloping off in the night through the fields to a house where a Union man lives, who gave me the direction of a safe messenger, then back to camp. Then Dr. Sargent was despatched to Berlin, down the river, to get two pieces of artillery which General Banks had ordered up to protect the ford. Then the camp-fires were glowing, and I spent an hour among the cooks, urging on the rations. Then the dawn began to peep. Colonel Andrews went up the hill to gaze, through the first light, at Harper's Ferry and its surroundings. Light brought the conviction that our haste was premature.

The packed wagons were ready to move. The regiment was ready to hold ford and ferry as long as possible, and we were all agog. The morning came, and no enemy were in position. We had our stampede. The reports of the enemy were circumstantial and probable, but the appearance failed to confirm them. This morning the camp is composed again. But life has been lively and brisk, though fruitless, for the last twelve hours

Here comes the Colonel, who has been down to Sandy Hook. He brings news that the paymaster is coming. Hurrah! Also that three hundred car-loads of troops went into Washington on Monday. Good!

We are awaking, I hope, to the size of the work. A short war is the policy, but a war. I am glad you are getting awake to it. No one who can come, effectively, has a right to stay at home.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 79-81